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^  THE 

FRANCISCAN 
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ARIZONA  AND  SONORA. 

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THE 
FRANCISCANS  IN  ARIZONA 

BY 

Fr.  ZepJiyrin  Efigelhardt,  0.  F.  M ., 

Author  of  ''Thr    Fnuiriscaii.''    in     California,'" 

WITH    A    MAP   AND    NUMEROUS    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

CUM   PERMISSU  SUPERIORUM. 


Printed  And  Published  At  The 

HOLY  CHILDHOOD  INDIAN  SCHOOL, 

HARBOR  SPRINGS,  MICHIGAN. 

1899. 


JUnteced  accordiiiff  to  Act  of  Congress  in  the  Year  iSHS,  V^ 

Zephyrin  Engelhardt, 

In  the  Office  of  the  Librarian  of  Congress- 


M  £■ 


To 
The  Martyrs   of  the    Colorado — 
CO  Fathers  Francisco  II.   Garces.,  Juan  Diaz., 

="  o/ka^  Barreneche^  and  Jose  Matias  Morerw — 

.^  This    Volume  is  Most  Affectionately 

^  J^edicated  hy  their  Brother  in  Christ— 

^  The   A-wlhor. 

■3S. 

..el 

=5 

rs 

&9 


Some  hints  concerning  the   i)ronaneiation   of   Spanish 

names  and  words  occurring  in    this   book. 
A  like  a  in  a//.  E  like  c  in  tficy. 

I  like  the  /  in  fit.  O  like  o  in  .fo. 

U  like  00  in   moon. 
C,  (in  America  s^-ciir rally],  before  /  and  e 

has  the  sound  of  s  in  so,  otherwise 

it  has  the  sound  of  r  in  care. 
G,  (before  e  and  /i,  is  sounded  like  //  in  /I'll: 

otherwise  like  s'  iu  .^-'tc. 
H  is  silent. 

J  is  pronounced  like  //  in  /lall  or  Jtill. 
LL  as  in  Wi//iani. 
fi  as  ni  in  opi«/on,  or  like  71  v. 
Q  like  k. 

X  has  the  sound  of  //  in  hat. 
Y,  when  it  stands  alone,  has  the  sound  of  cc: 

otherwise  as  in  English. 
Z  should  be  pronounced  like  ///  in  ///ink 

or  Jiatlr.  Vjut  it  is  frequently  sounded  as 

in  English. 
Ch  is  pronounced  like  ch  in  charity. 
Other  letters  are  sounded  as  in  English, 


P  REFP  (5E. 

The  present  volume  may,  not  inaptly,  be  regard- 
ed as  a  kind  of  supplement  to  "The  Franciscans  in 
California,"  since  much  that  is  related  here  occurred 
on  California  soil,  and  will  be  better  understood  in 
connection  with  that  work. 

We  have  chosen  this  title,  however,  because  the 
Fathers  whose  missionary  labors  we  have  attempted 
» to  describe,  and  whose  principal  field  of  activity  was 
Arizona,  were  sent  out  from  entirely  different  head- 
quarters. The  Fathers  of  Southern  Arizona  and  So- 
nera came  from  the  missionary  colleges  or  semina- 
ries of  Queretaro  and  Jalisco,  whereas  the  California 
Fathers  were  subjects  of  the  College  of  San  Fernan- 
do in  the  City  of  Mexico ;  and  the  sons  of  St.  Fran- 
cis that  entered  Arizona  in  the  north  were  members 
of  the  Custody  of  the  Conversion  of  St.  Paul  of  New 
Mexico.  Nor  could  the  author  confine  this  historical 
narrative  to  Arizona  alone,  because,  at  the  time  the 
Franciscans  labored  in  that  territory,  the  boundary 
lines  were  not  so  distinctly  defined  as  now.  In  fact 
the  region  was  known  by  another  name — Pimeria  Alfa. 
This  comprised  the  southern  part  of  Arizona  and  the 
northern  part  of  Sonora,  and  was  in  charge  of  the 
Queretaranos,  as  the  Franciscans  from  Queretaro 
were  called. 

As  a  rule,  the  author  has  confined  himself  to  a 
recital  of  such  historical  facts  as  he  deemed  of  suffi- 
cient importance  to  preserve  the  memory  of  the  he- 
roic men  that  braved  climate,  hardships,  and  perils 
for  the  honor  of  the  Seraphic  Order,  the  salvation 
of  the  natives,  and  the  love  and  glory  of  God.  This 
course  may  have  rendered  the  book  less  entertainiiur. 


—  II  — 

but  it  secured  accurate  history  in  a  smfrircoiftpaBS. 

For   a   long;   time    the   field   once    cultivated    by   the*' 
old    "Padres''    lay    deserted;    but    of    late    years    the 
work,  which   Masonic   malice    and    intrigue  had  inter- 
rupted, has  been    resumed   by    members   of   the   same-- 
Order  that  for  three  centuries  made  such  sacrifices  in; 
Arizona  and   other  Spanish    possessions.    This   time   it' 
is   not   the   South    that  furnishes    the   labors,    but   the' 
East.    The   provinces   of   the    Sacred    Heart    of    Jesus;- 
and  of  St.  John    the   Baptist  are   now  endeavoring  to 
reclaim    the  territory  so  long  occupied  by  their  Span- 
ish   predecessors.    May  the  same  ardent   zeal,    persist-- 
ent    energy,    and   heroic   patience    that    characterized 
the  Queretaranos  animate  their  brethren  of  our  time.   ' 

The  Province  of  the  Sacred  Heart  of  Jesus,  St^- 
Louis,  Mo.,  has  accepted  Southern  Arizona,  and  thus- 
follows  in  the  footsteps  of  the  College  of  Santa  Cruz, 
Queretaro;  whilst  the  Province  of  St.  John  the  Bap- 
tist has  embraced  the  north,  once  under  the  jurisdic- - 
tion  of  the  New  Mexican  Fathers. 

May  the  sons  of  both  provinces  vie  with  one  an-- 
other'  as  true  disciples  of  St.  Francis  in  rescuing  the  ■ 
natives  from  the  dense  ignorance  and  cold  indiffer-- 
ence  that  have  so  firm  a  hold  upon  them  now.  The 
dreams  of  the  intrepid  Fr.  Marcos  de  Niza  and  of;' 
the  apostolic  Fr.  Carets  may  then  be  realized,  and. 
Arizona  truly  become  "£/  Huevo  Reino  del  San  Fran- 
cisco'''' as  the  discoverer  of  the  territory  na-iaed  Ari-- 
zona  in  1539. 


Ill 


il    ^  /..^  .4. 


PART  I. 

GENEEAL  HISTORY. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Discoverer  of  Arizona.  His  course  through  Sonora  and 
Arizona.  Description  of  the  Seven  Cities.  Incidents  of  his 
'tour.  The  Seven  Cities.  Cibola  or  Zuni.  The  New  Kingdom 
of  St.  Francis.  Niza's  critics.  Bancroft.  Shea.  Winship  Park- 
er. C.  F.  Luiumis ; 1. 

CHAPTER  II. 

Fr.  Mdrcos  and  companions.  Franciscans  with  Ofiate.  March 
througrh  Arizona.  First  martyr.  Other  Franciscan  martyrs. 
The  Pimerias.  Fr.  E.  Kino,  S.  J.  Othtr  Jesuits.  State  of  the 

missions .^^ 20. 

CHAPTER  III. 

Franciscans  of  Queretaro  and  Xalisco  called.  Difficulties.  The 
missions  accepted  in  the  Pimerias.  State  of  the  missions. 
Fathers  Sarobe  and  Buena.  Don  Galvez.  Mission  temporali- 
ties  30. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

'Gnlvez  and  Buena  visit  the  rebel  Seri.  Illness  of  Don  Galvez. 
Fr.  Garc^s  at  San  Xavier.  His  first  trip  to  the  Gila.  Illness 
of  Fr.  Garc^s.  Guevavi  destroyed.  Epidemic.  Second  mission- 
ary tour  of  Fr.  Garces.  Indian  gods.  Garccf-s  j^roposes  mis- 
sions   on    the    Gila.    Fr.    Buena    resifjns.    New    missionaries. 

The  Yumas.  Third  trip  of   Fr.  Garc(^s -15. 

CHAPTER  V. 

Fr.  Buena  Resis^ns.  His  death  and  biography.  The  missiona- 
aries  slandered  by  the  governor.  Fr.  Gil  de  Bernave  made 
president.  Founding  of  tke  missions  among  the  Seri  and  the 
Tiburones.  Indiffei-ence  of  the  Indians.  Murder  of  Fr.  Gil. 
His  Burial.  Biography.  The  Queretaranos  leave  Texas. 
Fr.  Antonio  Reyes's  Report  on  the  state  of  the  missions  in 
i772... 61. 


—  IV  — 

CHAPTER   VI. 

Captain  Anza's  first  expedition  overland  to  Monterey.  Fathers 
Garc^s  and  Diaz.  The  junction  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado.  Fr. 
Garces'  attempt  to  reach  the  Moqui.  Appeal  in  behalf  of  the 
missionaries.    Preparations  for   a   second  expedition.   Transfer 

of  the  Pimeria  Baja  missions 77. 

CHAPTER  VII. 

State  of  the  missions.  Petition  of  the  procurador.  Expedition 
from  Sonora  to  the  Port  of  San  Francisco,  California.  Fath- 
ers Garces,  Font,  and  Eyzarch 86. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

The  missionary  tour  of  Fr.  Francisco  Garces  along  the  Colora- 
do and  through  southern  California.  His  reception  every- 
where  99- 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Fr.  Francisco  Garces  and  his  trip  to  Moqui.  His  reception.   He 

returns  to  San  Xavier  del  Bac 110. 

CHAPTER  X. 

State  of  the  missions.  Indian  raids.  Destruction  of  Mission 
Santa  Maria  Magdalena.  Murder  of  Fr.  Felipe  Guillen.... 120. 
CHAPTER  XI. 

Reception  of  Palma  in  Mexico.  Change  in  the  government. 
Promises  to  Palma.  De  Croix's  letters.  Orders  of  the  king. 
Missions  delayed.  Indians  and  Fathers  disappointed.  Change 
in  the  plans.  Fathers  Garces  and  Diaz  go  to  the  Colorado. 
The    situation    on    the    Colorado.    Fr.    Juan    Diaz    visits   De 

Croix  at  Arizpe 124. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

De  Croix.  Two  pueblos  to  be  founded  on  a  new  plan.  Remark- 
able regulations.  Protest  of  Fr.  Garces.  Bancroft's  opinion. 
Spanish  contempt  for  the  Indians.  Rage  of  the  Yumas.  Ef- 
forts of  the  Fathers.  Palma  arrested.  The  Yumas.  Don  Rive- 
ra  131. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Indians  grow  insolent.  Grief  of  the  Fathers.  Their  efforts. 
Attack  on  Concepcion.  Fr.  Barreneche's  heroic  deed.  General 
massacre  at  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo.  Slaughter  of  Rivera 
and  his  men.  Return  of  the  savages  to  Concepcion.  Murder 
of  Fathers  Garces  and  Barreneche.  Burial.  Discovery  of  the 
bodies  of  the  four  martyrs.  Transfer  of  the  bodies  to  Tubu- 
tama 141. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

The  martyrs   of   la   Purisima   Concepcion.  Fr.  Francisco  Garces 

and  Fr.  Juan  Barreneche 154. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Tho   martyrs   of   San    Pedro  Y    San    Pablo.  Fr.  Juan   Diaz    and 

Fr.  Jose  Matias  Moreno 163. 

CHAPTER    XVI. 

Founding  of  the  Cnstodia  de  San  Cdrlos.  Magnanimity  of  the 
defim'tors.  Death  of  the  first  custos.  His  successor.  The 
statutes.  Petition  of  the  Fathers,  The  College  of  Queretaro. 
Dissolution  of  the  custody.  Indian  priests.  Franciscan  Bish- 
ops in  Sonora 1^0. 

PART  11. 

LOCAL  HISTORY. 

CHAPTER  I. 

Arricivita's  "Cronica  Serafica."  Missions  and  visitas.  Mission 
de  Caborca.  Fr.  Ambrose  Calzada.  Fr.  Pedro  Font.  Fr.  Iba- 
fiez.  Mission  de  Ati.  Fr.  Felix  Gamarra.  Mission  de  Tubuta- 
m;i.  Fr.  Guillen.  Mission  de  Saric.  Mission  de  Caburica.  Fr. 
Carrasco.  Mission  de  Suamca.  Mission  de  Guevavi.  Tumaca- 
cori.  Mission  San  Xavier  del  Bac.  Tucson.  State  of  the  mis- 
sion. Church  of  San  Xavier  and  its  builders 179. 

CHAPTER  II. 

San  Xavier's  modern  history.  Means  to  build  churches.  Des- 
cription of  the  church.    Secularization 190. 

CHAPTER   III. 

San  Xavier  del  Bac.  Bi-shop  Bourgade's  anxiety  and  generous 
offer.  Phoenix  accepted.  First  Fathers  and  Brothers.  Hist(.- 
ry   of   St.  Mary's.  Improvements.  Changes.  Work  of   the   Fja- 

thers 199r' 

CHAPTER  IV. 

The  Moquis.  Various  efforts  to  christianize  them.  Their  stub- 
bornness. Their  misfortunes.  The  Navajos.  Rt.  Rev.  J.  A. 
Stephan.  Rev.  Mother  Katharine.  Founding  of  the  Navajo 
mission.  The  first  Fathers.    Prospects 204. 

I. -Petition  of  Fr.  President  Barbastro,  arid  reply  of  Don  Pa- 
ges regarding  the  martyrs   of  the  Colorado 212. 

II. —The  Colorado  River   Mission  Sites ^Kj. 

III.— Indians  in  Arizona -19- 


LIST  OF  ILLUSTRATIONS. 

Frontisijiece  pagp- 

Map  of  Arizona  and  Sonora  Missions 1. 

San  Xavier  del   Rac 6. 

Yumas,  Young  Men 26. 

Pima  Indians  and  Chapel 34. 

Papago  dwellings,  (two) 47. 

Fr.  Francisco   H.  Garces   49. 

Yuma  Village 60. 

Fr.  Junipero  Serra 78. 

Mission  San  Francisco 89. 

Casa  Grande 92. 

Giant  Cactus 92. 

Fr.  Jayme's  Death 96. 

Mission  San  Gabriel 105. 

Mission  San  Diego 117. 

Yuma  Boys 152. 

College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Queretaro 168. 

Very  Rev.  Fr.  Kilian  Schloesser 178. 

Chapel   at  Tempe 179. 

Nave  of  San  Xavier 191. 

Sanctuary  of  San  Xavier 194. 

Church  at  Phoenix 198. 

Franciscan  Community  at  Phoenix 199. 

Most  Rev.  P.  Bourgade 200. 

School  at  Tempe 204. 

Very  Rev.  Fr.  Raphael  Hesse 209. 

San  Miguel  de  los  Navajos 210. 

Navajo  Indians 221. 

,The  Colorado  River 22.3. 


CHAPTER  I. 

The  Discoveree  Of  Ahizona— His  Course  Tirr.ouGii  Soxora  Axd  Arizo- 
na—Description Of  TiiE  SEVE>f  Cities -iN'ciDENTS  Of  His  Tol-r— The 
Seven  CiTiES-CrBOLA  Or  Zuxi-The  New  Kingdom  Of  St.  Francis - 
Nizi's  C.-itio3-3AN??>j7r— jJE.v— Wi.va-ii?  Par  csa-'J.  F.  Luiui^. 

The  honor  of  having;  discovered  the  territory  ovom- 
prisiiig;  Arizoiiii,  and  of  having  first  phinted  the  Cross 
in  the  very  heart  of  the  American  continent,  more 
than  a  thousand  miles  from  either  ocean,  the  Mexi- 
can Gulf,  or  Hudson  Bay,  is  due  to  the  zeal  of  a. 
son  of  St.  Francis.  The  survivors  cf  le  ill-fated  Flo- 
rida expeJitiou  under  Pampliilo  d2  Narvaoz,  152G- 
]528,  had  given  such  glowing  descriptions  respecting 
the  populous  towns  of  which  they  had  heard  on  their 
march  across  the  country  to  Sinaloa,  that  Fr.  Marcos 
do  Niza,  a  Franciscan  friar,  olfared  to  explore  those 
regions  and  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  natives.  His  o'- 
fer  was  accepted  by  Viceroy  Mendoza  of  Mexico,  who 
directed  the  Father  to  advance  and  penetrate  into 
the  interior.  "K  God,  Our  Lord,  is  pleased,"  said  the 
pious  Mendoza  in  his  instructions,  "that  you  lind  any 
large  town  where  it  seems  to  you  that  there  is  a 
good  opportunity  for  establishing  a  convent,  and  of 
sending  religious  to  be  employed  in  the  conversion, 
you  are  to  advise  me  by  Indians,  or  to  return  in  per- 
son to  Guliacan.  With  all  secrecy  you  are  to  give  no- 
tice, that  preparations  be  made  witliout  delay,  Ix- 
cause  the  service  of  Our  Lord  and  llie  good  of  the 
people  of  the  land  is  the  aim  of  the  pacification  of 
Avhatever  is  discovered."   (1)   '^The  religious  was  duly 

(I)  Cronica  de  Xalisco,  :«5--:W ;  325;  Arricivita,  Prol. ;  "The  Spauisli  PiO' 
noers,"  78-S5;  Shoa,  Hist.  Cath.  Churcli,  Vol.  1, 114-115  "Soldiers  of  the 
Cross,"  p.  2S-29;    Banc,  Hist.  Ariz.  p.  27;    Marcc'linoda  Civozza.  Vol.    Vi. 


authorized  for  his  mission  by  letters  of  obedience 
from  the  Superior,  dated  at  Mexico  Aug;ust  27tli, 
1538.  The  document  also  states  that  Fray  Marcos  de 
Niza  was  a  regular  priest,  pious,  virtuous,  and  devot- 
ed, a  good  theologian,  and  familiar  vv'ith  the  sciences 
of  cosmography  and  of  navigation."   (2) 

(2)  Salpointe  "Soldiers  of  the  Cross,"  paB3  28;  "14th  An.  Eep."  p.  3S2. 
If  Fr.  Ari'icivita's  stitoment  in  liis  "Croaica  Seraflca,"  p.  3,  bo  correct, 
the  honor  of  boins  the  first  wliito  mon  t'.iat  entprod  Arizona  is  due  to  two 
otlnr  Franciscans!  Fr.  .Juan  da  l.i  Asuncion  and  Fr.  Pedro  Nudal.  Thoy 
riro  paid  to  hnvo  loft  Mexico  in  January  IW:^,  and  have  reached  a  point 
on  the  Colorado  River  iit  about  tliirty-flvo  dosreea  latitude.  Fr.  .Vrrlcivita 
pays:  "El  afio  de  ouiiiieatoa  treinti  y  ocijo  por  Enero  salierou  do  Mexico, 
I>or  el  6rden  del  S;?flo:'  Virrey,  los  Padros  Fr.  .Tuan  de  la  Asuncion  y  Fr. 
Pedro  Nadal;  y  canjinando  al  noruasta  conio  soUciontas  lepuas,  lleparon  a 
un  rio  may  caudalo^o  qu3  no  padioron  pasar:  y  el  Padre  Nadal.  que  era 
muy  intelLsent-?  en  las  iii;it?m4ticas,  ob?TrT6  li  altura  ilel  polo  en  treinta 
y  cinco  prados."  From  tliis  it  seems  clear  that  the  two  Fathers  did  not 
po  beyond  the  Gila,  though  Fr.  Arrlcivita  claims  that  they  reached  lati- 
tude thirty-five,  which  is  more  likely  au  error  due  to  the  imperfect  in- 
btruments  used  to  make  the  calculation, 

Archbishop  Salpointe,  following  Arrlclvitn,  "Soldiers  of  the  Cross,"  po- 
pes 0,  2G.  129-i:J(),  writes:  "The  Franciscan  Fathers  ware  the  first  missiona- 
ries who  trod  the  soil  of  tlie  country  now  called  Arizona  in  its  full  length 
from  south  to  northeast.  Two  of  these  relifjious.  Fray  .Juan  da  la  Asun- 
cion and  Fray  Pedro  Nadal,  left  Mexico  in  January  ].':\v,  l:y  commission 
of  the  viceroy,  and  went  as  far  a.s  a  larre  river  which  they  could  not 
cross.  There  Fray  Pedro  Nadal  took  the  latitude  and  found  it  to  be  thir- 
ty Ave  dosreos.  The  next  year  l.ijy,  Fray  Mftrcos  do  Niza  witli  three  other 
religious  joined  the  military  (1)  esp3dltio:i,  and,  travelling  north  some 
COO  leagues,  arrived  at  the  same  river,  which  they  called  the  'Rio  de  las 
nalsas,"  the  river  of  rafts,  on  account  of  the  floating  apparatus  on  wliich 
the  Indians  used  to  crossed  It.  The  same  author  adds  that  this  river  had 
been  since  called  the  Eio  Colorado.  The  latitude  as  they  found  it  was 
thirty-four  and  a  lialf  <]egrees.  Nobody  will  doubt  the  identity  of  the  riv- 
er on  account  of  the  dliforonce  of  latitude  between  the  two  exi)erlments, 
which  can  bo  accountsd  for  by  the  ditlerence  of  the  instruments  of  that 
time  and  of  those  of  our  day.  Another  proof  of  that  identity  is  that  tlie 
Fathers,  on  both  occasions,  found  the  same  Indians,  the  Alquedunes  (Jal- 
cheduneB),  perhaps  the  same  as  those  we  call  now  the  Algodones,  who  in 
17.S0  yet  lived  at  the  junction  of  the  Gila  with  the  Colorado   Elver." 

Mr.  Wlnshlp  Parker,  "l-ltli  Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology," 
p.  ;^.*)J,  refers  to  the  same  story  in  these  words:  "About  this  time,  1.537-15;}.H, 
Frl\r  Juan  da  la  A'.uticlo:!  so^ms  to  h\v3  vlsltsd  the  inland  tribes  north 
of  the  Spanish  settlemMits.  The  most  probable  interpretation  of  the  state- 
m"'nt3  which  rafor  ti  his  wanderings  is  that  Friar  Juan  went  alone  and 
without  oHiclal  assistance,  and  that  he  may  liavo  travelled  as  far  north 
a;  tha  River  Gila.  Tin  datiils  of  his  jouraoy  are  hopelessly  confused.  It 
is  more  than  probible  tliat  there  were  a  number  of  friars  at  work  a- 
mong  the  outlying  Indian  tribas,  and  thera  is  no  reason  why  one  or  more 
of  t".i?m  may  not  have  v>-ant!crcd  north   for  some  considerable  distance." 


_  {]  _ 

"Tlie  instructions  of  the  viceroy,  a  model  of  care- 
ful and  explicit  directions,  Avere  handed  to  the  zeal- 
ous missionary  in  November  lo)38.  The  choice  of  a 
leader  was  beyond  question  an  excellent  one,  and 
Mendoza  had  every  reason  to  feel  confidence  in  the 
success  of  his  undertakinj:;."  (3) 

After  an  ineffectual  attempt  by  way  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Topiza,  Fr.  MArcos  set  out  from  the  town 
of  San  Miguel,  in  the  province  of  Ouliacan,  on 
Friday  March  7th,  lt)89,  "with  the  assistance  and 
the  favor  of  the  Most  Blessed  Virjiin  Mary,  Our  La- 
dy, and  our  Seraphic  Father  St.  Francis,"  as  he  him- 
self  writes  in  his  narrative.  Accompanied  by  Father 
Honorato  (4),  and  takinji  with  him  the  nej^jro  Kste- 
van,  or  Estevanico,  one  of  the  survivors  of  the  Flori- 
da expedition,  together  with  a  number  of  Indians 
from  Cuchillo,  Fr.  Mrircos  proceeded  north  to  Petat- 
Ian,  or  Rio  Sinaloa.  Here  his  companion,  Friar  Hor^o- 
rato,  fell  sick,  so  that  it  was  necessary  to  leave  him 
behind. 

Thence,  after  tliree  days,  "following  as  the  Holy 
Ghost  did  lead,"  he  travelled  twenty-live  or  thirty 
leagues,  always  kindly  received  by  the  natives.  He 
saw  nothing  worthy  of  notice,  except  that  he  met 
some  Indians  from  the  island  of  Santiago,  (Lower 
California)  where  Cortes  had  l)een. 

Continuing  for  four  days  through  an  uninhabited 
district,  which  is  the  barren  tract  between  the  Kio 
Yaqui  and  the  Kio  Sonora,  a  distance  of  something 
more  than  one  hundred  miles,  he  came  to  a  people 
who  had  never  heard  of  the  Christians.  They  enter- 
tained    him    kindly,    however,  and  called  him  "Havo= 


Ci)  Parker,  14  Ann.  Rop.  papt-s  :;.i4sj5r).  "Tho  Instructions  {riven  to  l^ri;ir 
Marcos  have  been  translated  by  IJandelier  in  his  "Contribu^lon^i  to  tho 
History  of  the  Southwest,"  p.  109.  Tho  best  account  cf  BMar  Marcos  an<l 
his  explorations  is  fjivcn  in  that  volume."  Ujid.  (i)  "14th  A  i.  Kj,>).-t, 
'.i'M,  Friar  Honorato  is  styled  "lay  brother." 

Salpointo  "Soldiers  (if  tho  Cross,"  p.  28,  :J(),  says  tliat  Fr.  do  Niza  was  ac- 
conipaniod  on  this  trip  by  tlio  lay-brothers  Daniel  and  Antonio  do  S  liit.i 
Maria.  I   was  unable  tj  find  tliis  iaforraatioa  anywhere  else. 


ta,''  or  "Sayota,"  Avhicli  in  their  language  signifies 
"a  man  from  heaven."  Tiiese  Indians  occupied  the 
valley  of  tlie  Sonora  River,  called  by  Coronado  the 
Valley  of  the  Corazones.  Here  Fr.  Mdrcos  was  in- 
formed that  four  or  five  days'  journey  into  the  coun- 
try, at  the  foot  of  the  mountains,  "there  was  an  ex- 
tensive plain,  v>'herein  were  many  great  towns  and 
people  clad  in  cotton."  When  lie  showed  them  cer- 
tain metals  which  he  had  with  him,  ''they  took  the 
mineral  of  gold,"  and  told  him  tliat  thereof  were 
vessels  among  tlie  people  of  that  plain,  and  that 
they  carried  certain  green  stones  hanging  at  their 
nostrils  and  at  their  ears,  and  that  they  had  certain 
thin  plates  of  gold  wherewith  they  scrape  off  their 
sweat,  and  that  the  walls  of  their  temples  are  cov- 
ered therewith;"  but  as  this  valley  or  plain  was  dis- 
tant from  the  sea-coast,  he  deferred  ''the  discovery 
thereof"  until  his  return.  By  a  reference  to  modern 
maps,  it  will  be  perceived  that  this  valley,  which 
Fr.  Marcos  was  informed  lies  four  or  five  days'  travel 
within  the  country,  corresponds  nearly  with  tlie  llio 
de  las  Casas  Grandes,  where  at  this  day  are  ruins  a- 
bout  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  east  of  the  valley 
of  Rio  Sonora.  The  ruins  at  the  time  of  Fr.  Mdrcos 
must  have  been  famous  cities  among  the  Indian 
tribes.  (5) 

The  seraphic  explorer  now  travelled  three  days 
through  towns  inhabited  by  the  people  of  the  Cora- 
zones,  and  then,  two  days  before  Passion  Sunday, 
which  in  1539  fell  on  March  28d,  arrived  at  a  town 
of  considerable  size,  called  Vacupa  or  Yacapa,  forty 
leagues  distant  from  the  sea,  i.  e.,  the  Gulf  of  Cali- 
fornia. This  place  corresponds  nearly  with  the  pres- 
ent Magdalena  on  the  Rio  San  Miguel,  (6)  and  its  in- 

(5)  Shea,  I.  115;  Lieutonant  A.  W,  Whipple  in  'Pacific,  Rail  Road  Reports.' 
Vol.  III.  p    10.5. 

(6)  Shea  says,  "San  Luis  de  Vacapa  in  Sonora."  Ibid. ;  11th  An.  Report 
355;  Bandelier  identified  Vacapa  with  the  Eudevc  settlement  of  Matapa 
in  central  Sonora:  Banc,  aprees  with  Whipple;   Hist,  del  Najarit,  315;  340. 


habitants  were  probably  the  ancestors  of  tlie  C'ocopa 
Indians,  now  scattered  over  the  deserts  northeastwaid, 
and  residing  near  the  mouth  of  the  Ixio  (.'olorado. 
The  people  of  Vaeapa,  he  states,  showed  hi  in  "■fireat 
court3sie3,  aiid  gave  him  large  (luautities  of  provis- 
ions, because  the  soil  is  very  frr.itful  and  may  be  ir- 
rigated." (7) 

Fr.  Marcos  remained  at  Vaeapa  until  Ai)ril  Gth,  in 
order  to  send  to  the  sea  coast  and  summon  pome  In- 
dians from  whom  he  hoped  to  secure  farther  inform- 
ation a))i)ut  the  poarl  islands  of  which  Cabeza  de 
Vaca  had  heard  on  his  way  from  Florida.  Meanwhile 
he  ordered  the  negro  Estevan  towards  the  north,  in- 
structing him  to  proceed  lifty  or  sixty  leagues  and 
see  if  he  could  find  anything  that  might  help  them 
in  their  search.  If  he  found  any  sign  of  a  rich  and 
populous  country  he  Avas  not  to  advance  farther,  but 
to  return  to  meet  the  Father,  or  else  to  wait  where 
he  heard  the  news,  sending  some  Indian  messengers 
back  to  his  superior  witli  a  white  cross  the  size  of  a 
palm  of  his  hand.  If  the  news  was  very  promising, 
the  cross  Avas  to  be  twice  this  size;  and  if  the  coun- 
try about  which  he  heard  promised  to  be  larger  and 
better  tluin  New  Spain,  a  cross  still  larger  than  this 
was  to  l)e  sent  liack. 

Estevan  started  on  Passion  Sunday  after  dinner. 
Four  days  later  messengers  sent  l\v  him  lirought  to 
the  Father  "a  very  large  cross,  as  tall  as  a  man." 
One  of  the  Indians  who  had  given  the  negro  his  in- 
formation accompanied  the  messengers,  and  affirmed, 
as  the  friar  carefully  recorded,  "that  there  are  seven 
very  large  cities  in  the  first  province,  all  under  one 
lord,  with  large  houses  of  stone  and  lime;  the  small- 
est one  story  higli,  with  a  flat  roof  above,  and  others 
two  and  three  stories  high,  and  the  house  of  the  lord 
four  stories  high.  They  are  all  united  under  his  rule. 


(7)     Wh-pple   p.   1C5. 


—  0  — 

nnd  on  tlie  portals  of  the  principal  houses  there  are 
many  designs  of  turquoise  stones,  of  Avhich  he  says 
they   have     a   great   abundance.     And    the   people   in 

these  cities  are  very  well  clothed Concerning  other 

provinces  farther  on,  he  said  that  each  one  of  them 
amounted  to  much  more  than  seven  cities." 

"All  that  the  Indian  told  Fr.  Marcos  was  true," 
says  Parker,"  and,  what  is  more,  the  Spanish  friar 
seems  to  have  correctly  understood  what  the  Indian 
meant,  except  that  the  idea  of  several  villages  having 
a  common  allied  form  of  government  was  interpret- 
ed as  meaning  the  rule  of  a  single  lord,  who  lived  in 
what  Avas  to  the  Indians  the  chief,  because  the  most 
populous  village.  These  villages  of  stone  and  lime, 
or  rather  of  stone  and  rolls  or  balls  of  adobe  laid  in 
mud  mortar,  and  sometimes  whitened  with  a  wadi  of 
!  ypsum,  were  very  large  and  wondrous  affairs  when 
compared  with  the  huts  and  shelters  of  the  Seri  and 
tome  of  the  Piman  Indians  in  Sonora. 

"The  priest  can  hardly  be  blamed  for  translating 
a  house  entrance  into  a  doorway,  instead  of  pictur- 
ing it  as  a  bulkhead,  or  as  the  hatchway  of  a  ship. 
The  Spaniards,  those  who  had  seen  service  in  the  In- 
dies, had  outgrown  their  earlier  custom  of  reading 
into  tlie  Indian  stories  the  ideas  of  government  and 
of  civilization  to  which  they  were  accustomed  in  Eu- 
rope; but  Friar  Marcos  was  at  a  disadvantage  hardly 
less  than  Ihat  of  the  companions  of  Cortes,  when 
they  lirst  heard  of  Montezuma,  because  his  experi- 
ence with  the  wealth  of  the  New  World  had  been  in 
tlie  realm  of  the  Incas.  He  interpreted  what  he  did 
not  understand,  of  necessity,  by  what  he  had  seen  in 
Peru."  (8) 

The  story  of  the  Indian  did  not  convince  Fr.  Mdr- 
cos  that  what  he  had  heard  about  the  grandeur  of 
tliese     cities   was   all   true,    and    he    decided    not    to 

(iS)    lltli  Aaaual  Ecport,  pages  "55-;;C6;     ^Vliipplc. 


believe  anytliini;'  until  ho  had  seen  it  for  liinipolf, 
or  at  least  liad  received  additional  proof.  On  the 
same  day  that  lie  received  the  mcsrajie  from  Este- 
vanico,  tli3re  camo  to  him  three  Indians  wliom  lie 
called  Pintados,  because  tlieir  faces,  l)reasts,  and 
arms  were  painted.  "These  dwell  further  up  in  the 
country,  towards  the  east,  and  some  of  them  !)order 
upon  the  Seven  Cities.''  These  Pintados,  pro])al)ly  tiie 
Pimas  and  Papaji'os  of  tlie  present  day,  are  still  scat- 
tered over  the  country  referred  to  by  Fr.  de  Niza 
from  Santa  Cruz  Valley  to  the  Gila  Hiver,  Avhich 
perhaps  may  be  said  to  l)order  on  the  kin^i;dom  of  Ci- 
bol'-.  (Zuni).  Tliese  Indians  also  i;ave  the  explorer  an 
extended  account  of  tlie  Seven  C/ities,  very  similar  to 
that  of  the  Indian  sent  by  Estevanico.    (9) 

With  these  Pintados  and  his  other  native  atten- 
dants Fr.  Marcos  departed  from  Vacapa  on  Easter 
Tuesday.  He  expected  to  find  Estevanico  waitinii  at 
the  villai;e  wliere  he  liad  lirst  heard  about  tlie  Seven 
Cities;  hut,  thoui!;h  the  nei^ro  had  been  commanded 
by  the  viceroy  to  obey  Fr.  Marcos  in  everythinii,  un- 
der pain  of  severe  punishment,  he  had  pushed  on- 
ward. 

A  second  cross,  as  big'  as  the  first  had  l)een  re- 
ceived from  the  negro,  and  the  messengers  that 
brought  it  gave  a  fuller  and  much  more  specific  ac- 
count of  til?  cities,  agreeing  in  every  respect  with 
what  had  previously  been  related.  When  the  Father 
reached  the  village  where  the  negro  h.ad  obtained  the 
first  information  about  those  cities,  he  obtained  ma- 
ny new  details.  He  was  told  that  it  was  thirty  days' 
journey  from  this  village  to  the  city  of  Cibo-la,  which 
was  the  first  of  the  Seven  Cities.  Not  one  person 
alone,  but  many,  described  the  houses  very  partic- 
ularly and  showed  him  the  way  in  which  they  were 
built,  just  as  the  messengers  had  done.  Besides  these 

19)    Whipple  p.    105;     Uth  An.  Rep.,  !506. 


Seven  Cities,  he  learned   that  there  v/ere  three  other 
"kingdoms,  '  called  Marata,  Acus,  and  Totonteae. 

The  first  of  these,  Marata,  has  since  been  identified 
with  Matyata  or  Makyata,  a  chiPjtcr  of  pueblos, 
about  the  salt  lakes  southeast  of  Zuni.  Acus  is  the 
Acoma  pueblo,  and  Totonteae  was  in  all  probability 
the  province  of  Tusayan,  northwestward  from  Zuni. 
The  explorer  asked  these  people  why  they  went  so 
far  away  from  their  homes,  and  vras  told  that  they 
went  to  Ji-et  turquoises  and  cow  skins,  besides  other 
valuable  thing?;,  of  all  of  which  he  saw  a  considera- 
able  quantity  in  the  village. 

Friar  Marcos  tried  to  find  out  how  these  Indians 
bartered  for  the  things  they  brought  from  the  north- 
ern country,  but  all  he  could  understand  was  tliat 
"with  the  sweat  and  ccrvice  of  their  persons  they 
went  to  the  first  city,  which  is  called  Cibola,  and 
that  they  labored  there  by  digging  tlie  earth  and 
by  other  services,  and  that  for  what  they  did  they 
received  turquoises  and  skins  of  cows,  such  as  those 
people  had.-'  He  noticed  iine  turquoises  suspended 
from  the  ears  and  the  noses  of  many  of  the  people 
whom  he  saw,  (10)  and  he  was  again  informed  that 
the  principal  doorways  of  Cibola  were  ceremonially 
ornamented  with  designs  made  of  these  stones.  (11) 
The  Indians  described  the  dress  of  t'.ie  inhabitants  of 
Ciliola  to  be  a  gown  of  cotton  down  to  the  feet,  Avith 
a  button  at  the  neck,  and  a  long  string  hanging 
down  at  lie  same;  and  that  the  sleeves  of  those 
gowns  are  as  broad  beneath  as  above."   (12) 

The    cow    skins,    some    of    which    were    given     him, 
were    tanned    and    finished    so  well    that    he    thought 


(10)  For  want  of  turquoises  the  Pima  and  Maricopa  Indians  to  this  day 
frequently  wear  rings  pendant  from  the  ears  and  feptum.  (11)  Mr. 
Cushing  has  learned  from  tradition  that  this  was  their  cubtom.  14th  An. 
Report,   :  55-^57;      Whipjile    in  Pac.  R.  R.  Report,  Vol.  III. 

(12)  Ibid.  This  description  is  simply  that  of  a  Pima  cotton  blanket  thrown 
over  ttic  shoulders,  Whipple  say.--,  and  pinned  with  a  wooden  button  at 
the  neck.  The  natural  folds  of  this  garment  would  prcduco  sleeves  as 
broad  beneath  as  above. 


they  had   been  prepared  by  men  that  were  skilled   in 
this   work.   (18) 

Fr.  Marcos  had  not  hoard  from  Estevan  since  leav- 
ing' Vacapa,  but  the  natives  told  him  that  the  negro 
was  advancing  toward  (Ibola,  and  that  he  had  gone 
four  or  five  days.  The  Father  at  once  determined 
to  follow  the  negro,  who  had  proceeded  u])  Sonora 
Valley,  as  Mr.  Bandelier  traces  the  route.  Esteva- 
nico  had  planted  several  large  crosses  along  tlK>  vvay, 
and  soon  b9gan  to  send  messeiigers  urging  the  mis- 
sionary to  hasten,  and  promised  to  wait  for  him  at 
the  edge  of  the  desert  whicli  lay  l)etween  them  ;ind 
the  country  of  Cibola.  Fr.  Marcos  continued  his  jour- 
ney for  five  days  when  he  crossed  the  present  boun- 
dary of  Arizona  and  Sonora,  probably  west  of  the 
Arizona  Mountains.  He  then  understood  that  after 
two  days'  journey  he  should  find  a  desert,  where 
there  would  be  no  food.  Before  he  reached  the  de- 
sert, he  arrived  at  a  "very  pleasant  town,  by  rea- 
son of  the  great  quantity  of  water  conveyed  thither 
to  irrigate  the  same."  This  is  the  [)resent  site  of 
Tucson.  Here  he  met  many  people,  l)oth  men  and 
women,  clotlied  in  r-otton,  and  some  covered  with 
oxdiides,  which  generally  they  take  for  l)etter  ma- 
terial than  that  of  cotton.  All  the  people  of  this 
village,'''  says  Fr.  Marcos,  "go  incaconados,"  that  is 
to  sa}",  with  turquoises  hanging  at  their  nostrils  and 
ears,"  which  they  call  cacona.   (14) 

The  chief  of  the  village  and  others  visited  him 
appareled  in  cotton,  "incaconados,"  and  each  with  a 
collar  of  turcfuoises  about  his  neck.  They  gave  him 
rabbits,  quails,  nuiize,  and  nuts  of  i)ine-trees,  and 
offered  turciuoises,  dressed  oxdiides,  and  fair  vessels 
.  to    drink    from,    whi(di    he    declined.    They     informed 

(i;!)  "U'  for  ox  hides  it  would  be  allowed  to  read  buckpikin,  tlie  account 
w<;uld  applj-  to  tlie  Pima  of  tlio  present  day,"  i.  e.,  in  1JS5;J,  says  Whipple. 
(Ill  Even  at  th^  timo  Wliipple  Wx-oto,  it  was  usual  for  tlie  principal 
Indian  chiefs  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  as  well  as  those  of  Zuui,  to 
wear  blue  stones  pendant  from  the  nose. 


—  10  — 

him  that  in  Totoiiteac  there  was  a  great  quantity  of 
woolen  ck)th,  such  as  he  himself  wore,  made  from 
the  Heeces  of  wild  animals  of  the  size  of  two  spaniels 
which  Estevan  had  Avitli  him;  possibly  the  i3ig  horn 
wild  sheep. 

The  next  day  Fr.  Marcos  entered  tlie  wilderness  or 
desert,  and  where  he  was  to  dine  he  found  bowers 
erected  and  food  in  abundance  l)y  a  river  side,  proba- 
bly a  creek  then  existing  between  Tucson  and  the 
Ilio  Gila.  Thus  the  Indians  provided  for  him  during 
four  days  that  the  "wilderness"  continued.  He  then 
entered  the  Gila  Valley  in  the  region  of  the  Pima 
villages,  a  valley  Avell  inhabited  Avith  people,  who 
were  dressed  in  cotton  robes,  with  turquoises  pen- 
dant from  their  ears  and  nostrils,  and  numerous 
strings  of  the  same  encircling  their  necks.  Through 
this  valley  he  travelled  live  days'  journey,  during 
Avhich  he  must  have  crossed  over  the  Salinas,  (Bio  A- 
zul,)  and  ascended  that  river.  The  country  was  well 
watered,  and  "like  a  garden  al)ounded  in  victuals 
sufficient  to  feed  above  three  thousands  liorsemen." 
The  boroughs  and  towns  were  from  a  quarter  to  half 
a  league  long. 

Here  he  found  a  man  born  in  Cibola,  who  had  es- 
caped from  the  governor  or  lieutenant  of  the  same; 
for  the  chief  the  Seven  Cities  lives  in  one  of  those 
towns,  called  Abacus,  and  in  the  rest  he  appoints 
lieutenants  under  him.  "This  townsman  is  a  white 
man  (IG)  of  good  complexion,  somewhat  well  in 
years,  and  of  far  greater  intelligence  than  the  inhab- 
itants of  the  valley,"  or  those  left  behind. 

On    questioning    the  Indian  closely,    Father    Mdrcos 

(16)  "If  is  rcmnrkable  Ihnt  at  tl;o  r'r'"fnt  day,  many  Ir.dinrs  of  Zufii  ore 
•white.  They  claim  to  bo  full-blooded  Zuflians,  and  have  no  tradition  of 
intermarriaco  with  any  foreien  race.  The  circumstance  creates  no  sur- 
prise amonp  the  people;  for  from  time  immemorial  a  similar  cUsb  of  por' 
sons  has  existed  in  tho  tribe,"  Whipple,  107 


—  11  — 

learned  that  Cibola  (17)  "is  a  «;reat  city  inhabited  by 
a  great  mulitnde  of  people,  and  having  many  streets 
and  s(inares;  in  some  parts  of  the  city  there  are  cer- 
tain very  great  houses,  five  stories  high,  in  which 
the  chief  men  of  the  city  assemble  on  certain  days 
of  the  year.  The  houses  are  of  stone  and  lime ;  the 
gates  and  small  pillars  of  the  principal  houses  are  of 
turquoises;  and  all  the  vessels  wherein  they  are 
served,  and  other  ornaments  of  their  houses,  are  of 
gold.  The  other  six  cities  are  built  like  unto  this, 
whereof  some  are  larger,  and  iXhacus  is  the  chief 
of  them.   (18) 

"At  the  southeast  there  is  a  kingdom  called  Ma- 
rata  (Casas  Grandes?),  where  there  were  wont  to  be 
many  cities  which  were  built  of  houses  of  stone 
with  divers  lofts;  and  these  have  and  do  Avage  war 
with  the  chief  of  the  Seven  Cities,  through  which 
war  tiie  kingdom  of  Marata  is  for  the  most  part 
wasted,  although  it  yet  continues  and  maintains  war 
against  the  other. 

"Likewise  the  kingdom  of  Totonteac  lies  toward 
the  west,  a  very  mighty  province,  tilled  with  great 
num])ers  of  pe()j)le  and  riches;  and  in  said  kingdom 
they  wear  woolen  cloth,  made  of  the  lieeces  of  those 
beasts  previously  described;  and  they  are  a  very  civil 
people."  Fr.  INlarcos  also  speaks  of  a  kingdom  called 
Acus,  but  its  position  is  not  given.  The  inhabitants 
requested  him  to  stay  three  or  four  days,  because 
from  this  place  there  were  "four  days  journey  into 
the  desert,  and  from  the  entrance  into  the  desert  un- 
to the  city  of  Cibola  are  lifteen  great  days'  journey 
more."  Accompanied  by  thirty  of  the  principal  Indi- 
ans with  others  to  carry  their  provisions,  he  entered 
the  second  desert  on    the   0th   of   May,    and   travelled 

(17)  Bandeliar  anJ  Cu.ilung  miintTiu  that  by  Cibola  the  Indian  mpant 
tin  whole  rnnRe  occupied  by  tho  Zufii  people.  See  Uth  An.  Rep.  p.  SW. 
(1^)  Ahacus  is  loudily  identified  with  Ilawikuh,  one  of  the  ijvosout  ruina 
ueai'  K'iapkwainakwin,  or  Ojo  Calliouto,  about  15  miles  southwest  of  Zulu. 


--  12  — 

the  first  day  by  a  very  broad  and  beaten  way.  At 
noon  he  came  to  a  water,  and  at  night  to  another 
water,  where  the  Indians  provided  him  with  a  cottage 
and  food,  and  in  tliis  manner  he  travelled  twelve 
days'  journey.  At  that  point  he  met  one  of  Esrevans' 
Indians,  the  vson  of  one  of  the  Indian  chiefs  accom- 
panying the  Father,  who,  in  great  fright  and  covered 
with  sweat,  informed  him  that  the  people  of  the  first 
city  had  imprisoned  and  afterward  killed  the  negro. 

Estevan,  contrary  to  orders,  had  hastened  to  reach 
Cibola  before  his  superior,  and,  just  before  arriving 
at  the  first  city,  had  sent  a  notice  of  his  approach 
to  the  chief  of  the  place.  As  evidence  of  his  position 
or  authority,  he  sent  a  gourd,  to  which  were  at- 
tached a  string  of  rattles  and  two  plumes,  one  of 
which  was  white  and  the  other  red.  When  the  met-- 
sengers  bearing  the  gourd  showed  it  to  the  chief  of 
the  Cibola  village,  he  threw  it  on  the  ground,  and 
told  the  messengers  that  when  their  people  reached 
The  town  they  would  find  out  what  sort  of  men  lived 
there,  and  instead  of  entering  the  place  they  should 
all  be  killed.  Estevan  was  not  daunted  on  receiving 
this  answer.  He  ijroceeded  to  the  village  at  once,  but 
instead  of  being  admitted,  he  was  placed  under 
guard  in  a  house  near  by.  (19)  All  the  turquoises 
and  other  gifts  which  he  had  received  from  the  In- 
dians during  his  march  were  taken  from  him,  and 
he  was  confined  over  night  with  the  people  who  ac- 
companied him,  without  receiving  anything  to  eat 
or  drink.  The  next  morning  Est<?van  tried  to  run  a- 
way,  but  was  overtaken  and  killed.  The  fugitives 
who  brought  this  news  to  Fr.  Marcos  said  that  most 
of  their  companions  also  had  been  killed.  There  was 
much  wailing  among  the  followers  of  Fr.  Marcos,  and 
they  threater.ed  to  derert  him,  but  he    pacified    them 

(191  Tills  is  precisely  the  method  pursued  by  the  Znnis  to  day  agaiust 
any  Mexicans  wlio  may  be  found  in  Uieir  vicinity  during  the  performan- 
ces of  an  out^loor  ceremonial. 


—  13  — 

by  openini!;  his  bundles  and  distriliutiui;-  the  trinkets 
brou:.;ht  from  Mexico.  While  they  were  enjoyiuii 
these,  he  Avithdrew  a  short  distance  for  an  hour  and 
a  half  to  pray.  Meanwhile,  the  Indians  airain  beiian 
t')  think  of  tiieir  lost  friends,  and  decided  to  kill  the 
Father  as  the  indirect  cause  of  tha  catastrophe. 
But  when  hs  return3d  from  his  devotions  rc-inviS3- 
rated,  and  learned  of  their  determination,  he  divert- 
ed their  thoughts  by  producing  some  of  the  things 
which  had  been  kept  back  from  the  first  distribu- 
tion of  the  contents  of  his  packs. 

Then  he  explained  to  the  Indians  the  folly  of  kill- 
ing him,  since  this  would  do  him  no  hurt,  because  he 
was  a  Christian  and  so  would  go  at  once  to  his  home 
in  the  sky,  while  other  Christians  would  come  in 
search  of  him  and  kill  them  all,  in  spite  of  his  own 
desires  to  prevent  any  such  revenge.  Moreover,  he 
told  them  that  he  'proposed  to  see  the  city  of  Cibola 
whatsoever  came  of  it.'  'With  many  other  words'  he 
succeeded  at  last  in  quieting  them,  and  in  persuading 
two  of  the  chief  Indians  to  go  with  him  to  a  point 
whore  he  could  obtain  a  view  of  the  famous  city.  Fr. 
Mdrcos  then  proceeded,  and  after  ascending  a  moun- 
tain he  viewed  the  city  from  the  summit.  "It  has  a 
very  fine  appearance  for  a  village,"  he  writes.  "It  is 
situated  on  a  plain,  at  the  foot  of  a  round  hill,  (20) 
and  makes  show  to  be  a  fair  city.  It  is  larger  than 
Mexico,  and  it  is  better  seated  that  any  I  have  seen 
in  these  parts."  The  houses  "were  built  in  order," 
according  as  the  Indians  had  told  him,  "aU  made  of 
stone,  with  divers  stories  and  Hat  roofs." 

He  learned,  moreover,  "that  the  people  are  some- 
what white;  tiiey  wear  apparel,  and  lie  in  beds; 
their  weapons  are  bows;  they  have  emeralds  and  oth- 
er jewels,  although  they  esteem  none  so  much  as  tur- 


;2dl     Tai?  Jjscriptioa  answjrj  quit3  WoU  for  Zufii  at  tl)3  prsioat  day,  'saya 
Wiiipplo,'  107. 


—  14  — 

quoises  where>Yith  they  adorn  the  walls  of  the  por- 
ches of  their  houses,  their  apparel,  and  vessels;  and 
they  use  them  instead  of  money  through  all  the 
country.  Their  apparel  is  of  cotton  and  of  ox-hides, 
and  this  is  their  most  commendable  and  honorable 
apparel.  They  use  gold  and  silver,  for  tliey  have  no 
other  metal,  whereof  there  is  greater  use  and  more 
abundance  than  in  Peru;  and  they  buy  the  same 
for  turquoises  in  the  province  of  the  Pintados,  wheie 
there  are  said  to  be  mines  of  great  abundance." 
Of  other  kingdoms,  Fr.  Marcos  says,  he  could  obtain 
no  information.   (21) 

When  Fr.  Mdrcos  expressed  his  surprise  to  his  In- 
dian followers  at  the  apparent  greatness  of  the  city 
of  Cibola,  they  told  him  that  it  was  the  least  of 
them  all,  becaupo  they  had  so  many  houses  and  peo- 
ple that  there  seemed  to  be  no  end  of  them." 

Having  set  up  a  cross  amid  a  heap  of  stones  in  the 
sigiit  of  Cibola,  Friar  Marcos  took  possession  of  that 
region  in  the  name  of  the  king,  and  named  the 
country  "i;7  Kitevo  Reino  de  San  Fraiiclsco '.''''  "The 
New  kingdom  of  «t.  Francis."  Then  he  hastened 
back  '-with  far  more  fright  than  food."  In  two  days 
he  overtook  the  people  he  had  left  behind,  crossed 
the  desert,  hurried  from  the  valley,  and  passed  the 
second  desert.  Having  arrived  at  the  valley  of  Santa 
Cruz,  he  determined  to  visit  the  great  plain  he  liad 
been  informed  of  toward  tlie  east;  but  for  fear  of 
the  Indians  he  did  not  go  into  it.  From  it.;  entrance 
he  saw  "but  seven  good-looking  settlements  in  the 
distance,  in  a  low  valley,  being  very  green,  and  hav- 
ing a  most  fruitful  soil  out  of  Avhich  ran  many  ri- 
vers." (22)  He  was  informed  that  there  was  much 
gold  in  this  valley,  and  that  the    inhabitants   worked 

(211     Whipple,  107-ll«.    Ilistoria  del  Nayaiit,  am. 

(22)     Region  of  tho  Casas  Grandos  in   Arizona,   or   tlio   anciant   kingdom    of 
Marata,  Whipple  thinks,  p.  lOS;    14tli.  An.  Rep.,  31^2; 


-  15  - 

it  into  vessels  and  thin  plates,  but  did  not  suffer 
those  of  the  other  side  of  the  plain  to  traffic  with 
them.  Having  set  up  crosses  and  taken  i)ossession.  he 
returned  to  iSan  Mi{j;uel,  in  the  province  of  Culiacan, 
and  finally  to  Conipostella,  from  where  in  June  or 
July  he  reported  to  the  governor,  whom  he  had  kept 
informed  by  means  of  messengers  from  various  pla- 
ces. In  August  Fr.  Mdrcos  went  with  Coronado  to 
Mexico,  where  on  the  2d  of  September  he  presented 
to  the  viceroy  a  written  narrative  of  his  famous  ex- 
pedition,  (28) 

"Fr.  Mdrco3  de  Niza  thus  stands  in  history  as  the 
earliest  of  the  priestly  explorers,  who  unarmed  and 
on  foot,  penetrated  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  in 
advance  of  all  Europeans,  a  barefooted  friar  effect- 
ing more,  as  Viceroy  Mendoza  wrote,  than  well-armed 
pj.rties  of  Spaniards  had  been  able  to  accomplish,  and 
who  more  than  three  ard  a  half  centuries  ago  initi- 
ated a  mission  of  the  Franciscan  Order,  vrhich  was 
for  years  to  spread  Christian  light  over  the  interior 
of  the  continent  long  before  the  advance  guard  of 
Protestantism  appeared  in  either  Virginia  or  Massa- 
chusetts. Fr.  Mdrcos  opened  the  way,  but  the  mis- 
sion was  not  effectively  begun  till  many  zealous 
Franciscans  had  laid  down  their  lives  in  the  attempt 
to  win  the  natives  to  listen  to  the  Christian  doc- 
trines of  which  he  was  the  first  herald.  The  point 
reached  by  him  was  certainly  one  of  the  Pueblo 
towns  near  the  boundary  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexi- 
co, at  degree  85  latitude,  whose  remarka))le  dwellings 

(2:{)  Whipple  p.  108;  Bancroft,  l"^-:>.'>.  The  ]4tli  Annual  Kcpiut  of  the  Eu- 
re.au  of  Kthnolosy,  page  ;iG2,  on  the  other  lianil,  has  the  following  about 
the  report  of  the  apostolic  traveller:  "Here"  (Conipostella)  "ho  wrote  his 
report,  and  sent  the  announcement  of  his  safe  return  to  the  viceroy.  A  si- 
milar notification  to  the  provincial  of  lis  Order  contained  a  request  for 
instructions  as  to  what  he  should  do  next.  He  was  still  in  Conipostella 
on  September  20,  and  as  Meudoza  and  Coronado  also  were  tliero  he  took 
occasion  to  certify  under  oath  b3foro  thorn  t3  tin  truth  of  all  that  ha 
had  written  in  the  ropoit  of  his  expedition  to  Cibola, 


—  16  — 

and  progress  in  civilization  lie  was  the  first  to  make 
known.'''   (24) 

Many  writers,  indeed,  have  questioned  the  veracity 
of  Fr.  Marcos,  and  even  claimed  that  he  did  not  pro- 
ceed further  than  the  Ciila  ruins,  and  imagined  the 
rest.  H.  H.  Bancroft,  (25)  who  does  not  like  to  give 
the  honor  of  having  discovered  Arizona  to  a  monK\ 
and  who  ascribes  the  feat  rather  to  his  negro  serv- 
ant, nevertheless  has  manhood  enough  to  declare; 
"The  fact  that  Corouado,  accompanied  by  Niza  to 
Cibola  in  15-10,  with  all  his  criticism  does  not  seem 
to  doubt  that  the  friar  actually  made  the  trip  as  he 
claimed,  is,  of  course,  the  best  possible  evidence  a- 
gainst  the  tlicory  that  he  visited  northern  Sonora, 
and  imagined  the  rest.  A  close  examination  shows 
that  nearly  all  the  statements  most  liable  to  criticism 
rest  solely  on  the  reports  of  the  natives,  and  only  a 
few,  like  the  visit  tothe  coast,  and  the  actual  view 
of  a  great  city  at  Cibola,  can  be  properly  (?)  re- 
garded as  worse  than  exaggeration ;.... but  there  is  no 
good  reason  to  doubt  that  ho  really  crossed  Sonora 
and  Arizona  to  the  region  of  Zufli."  (26) 

"It  has  been  the  custom",  says  Shea,  "to  assail 
this  Franciscan  in  terms  of  coarse  vituperation;  but 
the  early  translations  of  his  narrative  contained  ex- 
aggerations and  interpolations  not  found  in  his  Span- 
ish text.  This  is  admitted.  Haines,  in  "Winsor's  Nar- 
rative and  Critical  History,"  follows  his  real  narra- 
tive and  does  not  note  a  single  statement  as  false, 
or  bring  any  evidence  to  show  any  assertion  untrue. 
That  the  Mavajos  wove  woolen  goods,  and  other 
tribes  cotton ;  that  turcjuoises  were  mined  in  New 
Mexico;  that  the  Pueblo  Indians  entered  their 
houses    by    a   door   in   the    roof,    reached    by    ladders, 


(24)  Shea,  Hi£,t.  Catholic  Church  in  the  United  States,  I,  118;  Shea,  Catlio- 
Uc  MisHions.  41-42.  (25)  Hist.  Arizona  and  Now  Mexico,  27-32.  (26)  Banc, 
Uist.  Arizona,  'M ;    The  Spanish  Pioa?ors,  7S--81 ;    O'Oorman,  50-52. 


might,  appoar  at  the  timo  as  false  statements,  but 
are  now   all  admitted  to  l)e  true."   (27) 

The  latest  critic  on  tlie  subject,  George  Parker 
Winship,  Assistant  in  American  History  in  Harvard 
Universit}',  writinji'  for  the  Government  in  tlie  '14th 
Annual  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Ethnology,'  pages 
862-:]()3,  declares: 

"In  his  official  re})()rt  it  is  evident  tliat  Friar  Mar- 
cos distinguished  with  care  between  Avhat  lie  Iiad 
himself  seen  and  what  the  Indians  liad  told  liini;  l)ut 
Coii6s  began  the  practice  of  attacking  the  veracity  and 
good  faith  of  the  friar,  Castaneda  continued  it, 
and  scarcely  a  writer  on  these  events  failed  to  follow 
their  guidance  until  Mr.  Bandelier  undertook  to  ex- 
amine the  facts  of  the  case,  and  applied  the  rules  of 
ordinary  fairness  to  his  liistorical  judgement.  Tiiis 
vigorous  defender  of  tlie  friar  has  successfully  main- 
tained his  strenuous  contention  that  Marcos  neither 
lied  nor  exaggerated,  even  when  he  said  that  the  Gi- 
bola  pueblo  api)eared  to  him  to  be  larger  than  the 
City  of  Mexico.  All  the  witnesses  agree  that  there 
light  stone  and  adobe  villages  impress  one  who  first 
sees  them  from  a  distance  as  being  much  larger  than 
they  really  are.  Mexico  in  1539,  on  the  other  hand, 
Avas  neither  imposing  nor  populous.  The  great  com- 
munal houses,  the  "palace  of  Montezuma,"  had  l)een 
destroyed  during  or  soon  after  the  siege  of  1521. 

The  pueblo  of  Hawikuh,  the  one  whicli  the  friar 
doubtless  saw,  contained  about  200  houses,  or  be- 
tween 700  and  1,000  inhabitants.  There  is  something 
naive  in  Mr.  Bandelier's  comparison  of  this  with  Ro- 
bert Tomson's  report  that  the  City  of  Mexico,  in  1556, 
contained  1,500  Spanish  households.  He  ought  to  have 
added,  what  we  may  be  quite  sure  was  true,  that 
the  poi:)ulation  of  Mexico  probably  doubled  in  the 
fifteen  years  preceding  Tomson's  visit,  a  fact  which 
makes     Nlzci's     comparison  '  even    more    reasonable-'''' 

(27)  Shea,  Cntholip  Clmvflt  in  Olonhil  Day.^"  vol.  I,  llT-ll.S. 


—  18  - 

"The  strange  thing  about  all  these  reports  is  not 
that  they  are  true,  and  that  we  can  identify  them 
by  what  is  now  known  concerning  these  -Indians,  but 
the  hard  thing  to  understand  is  how  the  Spanish  fri- 
ar could  have  comprehended  so  well  what  the  natives 
must  have  tried  to  tell  him.''''   (28) 

Bancroft   asserts   that    Fr.  Marcos  did    not  visit   the 
coast,  as  he  seems  to  intimate,  and  that  therefore  on 
this  point    at   least   the    Father   lies.    On   this   subject 
Mr.  Parker  (29)  writes:  ''On  his   way   up   the   valley 
of    Sonora,    Friar    Mdrcos    heard    that    the    sea-coast 
turned  toward  the  west.  Realizing  the   importance   of 
this    point,    he    says   that   he    "went   in   search   of   it 
and  saw  clearly  that  it   turns   to   the    west   in  35   de- 
grees." He  was  at  the  time  between  31   and  31^   de- 
grees  north,    just   opposite    the    head    of   the   Gulf  of 
California.  If  Bandelier's  identification   of   the   friar's 
route  is  accepted,  and  it  has  a  great  deal  more  in  its 
favor  than  any  other  that  can  be   proposed   with   any 
due  regard   to   the   topography   of   the   country,    Friar 
Marcos  was  then  near  the  head  of  San   Pedro   valley, 
distant    200    miles    in    direct  line    from    the   coast,    a- 
cross    a    rough    and    barren    country.     Although    the 
Franciscan  superior  testified  to  Marcos'  proficiency   in 
the  arts  of  the  sea,  the   friar's  calculation  was  3^  de- 
grees out  of  the  way,  at  a   latitude   where   the   usual 
error  in  the  contemporary  accounts   of   expeditions   i-' 
on  the  average  a  degree  and  a  half.  The  direction   of 
the  coast  line  does  change  almost  due  Avest  of  where 
the  friar   then    was,    and   he   may  have   gone   to   some 
point  among  the  mountains  from  which  he  could   sat- 
isfy himself  that  the  report  of  the  Indians  was   relia- 
ble.  There  is  a  week  or  ten  days.,  during  this  part  of 
his  journe;/^  for  which  his  narratives  gives  no  specific 
reckoning^ 

We    shall    quote   one    more   non-Catholic   writer    in 
behalf  of  Arizona's  discoverer,  and  then  continue  our 


128)  Uh  An.  Rep.  359.  (29)    14th  An.  Rep.  359. 


-*19  - 

narrative.  Mr.  C.  F.  Lummis  says  of  Fr.  Marcos : 

"And  now  we  come  to  one  of  the  ])eRt-slanderecl 
men  of  them  all, Fray  Mdrcos  de  Nizza,  the  dis- 
coverer of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  He  Mas  the  first 
to  explore  the  unknown  lands  of  Avhich  Vaca  had 
heard  such  wonderful  reports  from  the  Indians, 
though  he  had  never  seen  them  himself, "the  Sev- 
en Cities  of  Cibola,  full  of  j2;old,"  and  countless  oth- 
er marvels Now  here  was  a  genuine  Spanish  ex- 
ploration, a  fair    sample   of  hundreds, this  fearless 

priest,  unarmed,  with  a  score  of  unreliable  men, 
starting  on  a  year's  walk  through  a  desert  where  e- 
ven  this  day  of  railroads  and  highways  and  trails 
and  developed  water  men  yearly  lose  their  lives  by 
thirst,  to  say  nothing  of  the  thousands  who  have 
been  killed  there  by  the  Indians.  .  .Friy  Marcos  kept 
his  footsore  \Aay,  until  early  in  June,  1539,  he  actu- 
ally came  to  the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola,  These  were 
in  the  extreme  west  of  New  Mexico,  around  the  pre- 
sent strange  Indian  pueblo  of  Zuiii,  which  is  all  that 
is  left  of  those  famous  cities,  and  is  itself  to-day  ver- 
y  much  as  the  hero-priest  saw  it  three  hundred  and 
fifty  years  ago.  . .  .He  has  been  accused  of  misrepre- 
sentation and  exaggeration  in  his  reports;  but  if  his 
critics  had  not  been  so  ignorant  of  the  locality,  of 
the  Indians,  and  of  their  traditions,  they  never  would 
have  spoken.  Frau  Marcos'  statements  were  ahsolute- 
hj  truth  fuiy   (30) 

All  this  goes  to  show  that  Fr.  Marcos  told  the 
truth,  and  that  his  traducers  from  Cortes  down  have 
only  given  evidence  of  their  ill-will  towards  the  in- 
trepid Franciscan  explorer.  Cortes  himself  had  later 
on  to  feel  the  tongue  of  the  slanderer. 

(31)      "The  Spanish    Pioneers,"  78-80,    by  C.  F.  Lummis,  Chicago,  A.   C.   Mc 
Clurg  and  Company,  J893;     II.  Haines,  History  of  New  Mexico,  42-52. 


-  20 


CHAPTEll   II. 


Fr.  Maecos  And  Companioxs— Feaxciscaxs  With  Oxate— Maech 
Through  Arizoxa— First  MARxyR— Other  Feaxcircan  Mabtyes— The 
PiMERiAS— Fe.  E.  Kixo,  S.  J.— Other  Jesuits— State  Of  The  Missions. 

As  we  have  seen,  the  lirst  white  man  to  enter 
what  is  now  Arizona  was  the  Franciscan  Fatlier  Mar- 
cos de  Niza,  who  crossed  tlie  territory  from  south- 
west to  northeast  in  1539.  He  apiin  passed  through 
the  same  territory  with  Coronado  on  his  march  to 
the  Seven  Cities  in  the  year  following;.  It  does  not 
appear  that  Fr.  Marcos  preached  to  the  natives  on 
either  trip,  or  l)iiptized  any  of  them.  He  was  accom- 
panied on  his  second  tour  by  Father  Juan  de  la 
Cruz,  Father  Juan  de  Padilla,  and  the  lay-brother 
Luis  de  Escalona  or  de  Ubeda.   (1) 

Fr.  Marcos  did  not  long  remain  with  the  expedition 
under  Coronado  after  it  had  reached  New  Mexico, 
but  returned  thence  in  the  fall  of  1540  on  account  of 
feeble  health.  Hardships  and  physical  suffering  had 
nearly  paralyzed  the  body  of  the    already    aged   man. 

(1)  There  were  five  friars  wlien  the  expedition  started  out.  "Los  Eelipio- 
sos  eran  ciuco,"  Mendieta,  Historia  Ecclesiastica  ludiaun,  pape  742;  but 
the  fifth,  Fray  Antonio  Victoria,  broke  liis  thigh  at  three  days'  march 
from  Culiaciin,  says  Bandelier  in  American  Quarterly  Review,  Vol.  XV,  p. 
551.  Shea,  Vol.  I,  p.  128,  ttills  us  that,  "the  Franciscan  Fathers  Juan  de 
Fadilla,  Daniel,  and  Luis,  together  with  the  lay  brothers  Luis  de  E;calo- 
ua  and  de  la  Cruz,  also  accompanied  the  expedition  of  Coronado.  Arrici- 
vita  in  "prologo"  cited  before  has:  "El  siisruente  aiio  de  treinta  y  nucvo  (?) 
entr6  con  otros  tres  Rclipiofos  el  Padre  Fr.  Miircos  de  Niza  en  la  eipcdi- 
cion  militar."  The  "Cronica  de  la  provincia  de  Xalisco,''  pag.  '32A,  has: 
"llevando"  (i.  o.  Francisco  Coronado)  "6n  su  compafila  a  los  PP.  Fr. 
MArcos  de  Niza,  Fr.  Juan  de  Padilla,  Fr.  Juan  de  la  Cruz,  y  Fr.   Lvii.«   da 

Ubeda,  y  otros  dos  roligiosog,  partiorou  de  Tepic a  primero  do    Febrc- 

ro  del  aflo  do  1541),"  Ptc;      vide  also   'CrOniea   dp    JvftUsco,'    Lih.    11,  prpl, 
S.\I1;X.\III, 


—  21  — 

He  never  recovered  his  vigor,  but  died  at  Mexico  in 
the  year  1558,  after  having,'  in  vain  soujiht  relief  in 
the    deliji'htful  cliiiuite  of  Jnhipa.    (2) 

Not  till  abont  forty  years  later,  1588,  did  the  feet 
of  foreij;ners  af;ain  tread  the  soil  of  Arizona;  this 
time  it  was  an  expedition  under  Espejt),  aecompanicMl 
by  Fr.  Beltran,  a  Franciscan  from  ISan  Bartolome. 
This  party  entered  New  Mexico  from  the  south,  and 
crossed  the  line  into  Arizona  near  Zuui,  on  the  way 
to  the  Moqui  towns  in  northern  Arizona.  Thence  Es- 
pejo  penetrated  about  fifty  leac,ues  farther  west  or 
southwest.  He  visited  maize-producin.ir  tribes  of  Indi- 
ans, obtained  samples  of  ricli  ore  in  the  region  forty 
or  fifty  miles  north  of  th?  modern  Frcscott,  and 
then  returned  by  a  more  direct  route  to  Zuni.  Fif- 
teen years  later,  1598,  just  three  centuries  ago,  a 
Franciscan,  Fr.  Alonso  Martinez,  accompanied  an  ex- 
pedition from  New  Mexico  to  Zuni  under  Ohate. 
Like  Espejo  he  not  only  f(mnd  crosses  at  the  Zuni 
towns,  but  three  Mexicans  left  there  by  Coronado  in 
15-t2.  Mo(iui  was  reached,  and  formal  sulnnission  was 
rendered  by  the  native  chiefs  on  tlie  Dth  and  J5th  of 
November.   (J3) 

'In  1G04  Ofiate  resumed  his  march  with  thirty  men 
to  go  in  search  of  the  Mar  del  8ur  (South  Sea).  On 
this  memorable  expedition  he  was  acccompanied  l)y 
the    Franciscan    Fathers    Francisco    Escol)ar    and    San 

(2)  Fray  MArcos  was  a  native  of  Nizza,  then  a  part  of  Savoy.  He  camo 
to  Am3rica  probably  in  1531,  and  accoinpanioil  Francisco  Pizarro  to  Pon'i 
in  the  following  year.  There  lie  is  said  to  have  founded  the  Franciscan 
province  of  Lima.  In  the  "Cr6nica  de  Xalisco,"  page  280,  he  is  styled 
"Comisario  General  del  Peril."  In  the  introduction  to  Velasco,  Hist.  Eo- 
yaume  de  Quito,  as  published  by  Ternaux,  also  in  the  preface  to  Casta- 
iieda,  Rel.,  V,  he  is  said  to  have  been  the  author  of  several  M'orks  on  the 
conquest  and  native  races  of  Quito  and  Peru.  In  1.540,  on  return inj;  from 
his  famous  trip  to  Cibola,  lie  was  elected  third  provincial  of  the  Francis- 
can province  of  the  Holy  Oospel;  but  thiriiiK  a  {Treat  part  of  his  term  he 
was  absent  in  tli(>  north  wliere  he  lost  his  hr>alth.  The  famous  explorer 
died  in  the  convent  of  the  City  of  Mexico  on  March  25th,  15.58.  He  wa.s 
held  in  great  esteem.  Thus  for  instance,  in  the  (h6nica  de  Xali-co,  pa.' o 
280,  Fr.  Mdrcos  is  called  "santisimo  var6n ;"  and  on  page  .'<05  he  i-said  to 
be  "liombrc  docto  y  muy  religiose. '  (;i)    Banc.  Hist,  .\rizoua,  \H(i, 


Buenaventura.  The  former  was  the  Custos  of  the 
Franciscans  in  New  Mexico.  After  touching  Zuiii  and 
Moqui,  Ofiate  crossed  the  Rio  Colorado,  as  he  called 
the  branch  since  named  Colorado  Chiquito,  and  bes- 
towed the  names  of  San  Antonio  and  Sacramento  up- 
on two  branches  of  the  river  later  known  as  the  Rio 
Verde  in  the  region  north  of  Prescott.  Much  of  the 
route  corresponds  in  a  general  way  with  the  line  of 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Railroad  of  our  times.  The 
natives  here  wore  crosses  hanging  from  the  hair  on 
the  forehead,  and  were  therefore  called  Cruzados. 

Onate  kept  on  southwestward  down  the  San  Andres 
(Santa  Maria  or  Big  Williams  Fork)  to  its  junction 
with  the  'lUo  Grande  de  Buena  Gula  or  Colorado 
River,  called  lilo  de  las  Balsas  by  Father  Nadal, 
and  ^Blo  Tison''  in  Coronado's  time.  Accordiii|:  to  the 
pious  Spanish  Catholic  custom  of  applying  sacred 
names  to  every  river,  mountain,  valley,  or  locality, 
the  main  eastern  branch  of  the  Colorado  was  beauti- 
fully christened  Rio  del  Nonihre  de  Jesu\  it  is  now 
known  as  the  Gila  River.  In  January  1605  the  expe- 
dition reached  tidewater,  and  named  a  fine  harbor 
Puerto  de  la  Conversion  de  San  Pahlo^  because  it 
was  discovered  on  the  feast  of  the  Conversion  St. 
Paul,  January  25th.  On  their  homeward  march  the 
explorers  returned  by  the  same  route  they  had  come 
along  the  Colorado.  There  were  ten  different  lan- 
guages spoken  on  the  way  by  as  many  different 
tribes  of  Indians;  Fr.  Escobar,  it  is  said,  learned  to 
speak  them  all.  Food  meanwhile  became  so  scarce 
that  the  weary  travellers  had  to  slaughter  their 
horses  to  sustain  life,  until  they  reached  San  Gabri- 
el on  the  25th  of  April.   (4) 

At   the   beginning   of   the   seventeenth   century   the 

(4)  Banc.  Hist.  Arizona,  346-358.  It  was  afterwards  learned  that  a  Fran- 
ciscan had  visited  this  people,  and  had  taught  them  the  eificacy  of  the 
Cross  in  makinp  friends,  not  only  of  God,  but  of  white  and  bear  led 
men    who  might  one  day  ap.tear  among  them. 


—  '2S  — 

Moquis,  who  like  the  other  Pueblo  Indians  accepted 
Christianity,  were  often  visited  by  the  Franciscans, 
and  probably  were  under  resident  missionaries  al- 
most continually  for  eighty  years.    (5) 

In  1G28  or  1629  Fathers  Francisco  de  Porras  and 
Andres  Gutierrez,  besides  the  lay  brother  Cristobal 
de  la  Concepcion,  reached  the  country  of  the  Moquis 
assigned  to  them.  They  converted  800  Indians  in  a 
few  years.  Fr.  Francisco  seems  to  have  been  especi- 
ally active  in  the  work  of  conversion.  This  exasperat- 
ed the  medicine  men  so  much  that  they  resolved  to 
remove  him ;  but  fearing  the  consequences  of  an  o- 
pen  attack,  they  secretly  put  poison  into  his  food. 
The  Father  felt  he  was  doomed  as  soon  as  he  had 
eaten  what  w^as  given  him,  and  therefore  hastened 
to  Fr.  Francisco  de  San  Buenaventura  at  Aguatuvi 
to  ask  for  the  last  sacraments.  Then  he  began  to 
recite  the  psalm  "In  Te,  Dcmine,  speravi,"  and 
while  saying  the  words  "In  manus  tuas,  Domine, 
commendo  spiritum  meum,"  he  fell  forward  and 
gave  up  his  soul  to  its  Creator,  on  the  28th  of 
June,  1633,  at  Aguatuvi  or  Aguatobi.  Fr.  Francisco 
de  Porras  thus  became  the  proto-martyr  of  Arizona. 
It  is  not  known  what  became  of  the  otlier  two  Fran- 
ciscans.  (6) 

In  1680  there  were  three  Franciscan  residences  a- 
mong  the  Moquis.  One  was  at  Aguatuvi,  twenty- 
six  leagues  from  Zufii,  where  Fr.  Jos6  de  Figueroa, 
or  C(fncepcion,  was  the  resident  missionary.  The  mis- 
sion was  dedicated  to  San  Bernardino.  Another  resi- 
dence w^as  located  at  Jongopabi,  or  Xongopabi,  seven 
leagues  from  Aguatuvi.    It   was   under   the   patronage 

(5)  Banc.  His.  Ariz.  349.  (6)  lib.  "Martyrs  of  N.  M.,"  ;)l-3:i.  Fr.  Francisco 
de  Porras  was  a  Spaniard  born  at  Villanueva  de  los  Inlantes.  Ho  received 
the  habit  of  St.  Francis  at  the  convent  of  San  Franci.-^co,  Mexico,  on  Sep- 
tember 12th,  1606.  In  162;{  he  was  master  of  novices  wliich  oihco  lie  held 
for  five  years.  He  then  asked  to  be  sent  to  the  Indians  in  New  Mexico. 
The  petition  was  rranted,  and  he  left  the  motherhouse  in  162S,  together 
with    Fr.  Andres   Gutierrez    and  Brother  Crist6bal  de  la   Concepcion. 


-  2i  - 

of  San  Bartolome.  This  mission  nnmbered  500  souls. 
Attached  to  Jongopabi  was  the  missionary  station  of 
Moxainabi.  Fr.  Jose  Trujillo  was  in  charge  of  both 
places.  The  third  residence  was  at  Oraibi,  or  Oraybi, 
more  than  seventy  leagues  west  of  Santa  Fe.  Its  pa- 
tron was  San  Francisco,  or,  as  some  claim,  San  Mig- 
uel. The  inhabitants  at  one  time  numbered  14,000,  it 
is  said,  but  a  pestilence  destroyed  nearly  all.  Gualpi, 
now  Volpi,  with  1,200  inhabitants  was  a  missionary 
station  attended  from  Oraibi.  Fatliers  Jose  de  Espele- 
ta  and  Agustin  de  Santa  Maria  were  the  mission- 
aries. These  four  missionaries  lost  their  lives  in  the 
great  Indian  revolt  of  lOSO.   (7) 

The  Moquis,  in  1{)92,  like  the  otlier  native  tribes, 
professed  a  willingness  to  submit  to  Spanish  rule ; 
l)ut  no  attempt  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Span- 
iards in  later  years  to  compel  sul)mission.  In  1700, 
fearing  an  invasion,  the  Moquis  affected  penitence, 
and  permitted  the  Franciscans  Juan  Garaicoechea 
and  Antonio   Miranda    to    baptize    seventy-three    chil- 

(7)  See  "Franciscans  in  New  Mexico;"  Banc.  lT,i\  340;  "Martyrs,"  46.  Fr. 
Jos6  de  Fiffueroa  was  a  native  of  the  City  of  Mexico.  He  came  to  the 
ton-itory  in  1674.  Ilis  mission  was  at  Ahuatu  or  Aguatuvi.  It  is  not 
known  liow  he  perislied,  but  tlie  date  of  his  death  was  the  tenth  of 
Augu.'-t. 

Fr.  JoH(J  Trujillo  was  a  native  of  (Mdiz,  Spain.  He  was  received  into  the 
Order  of  St.  Francis  in  1(3:34.  After  laboring  for  some  time  in  the  Philip- 
:nne  Islands,  he  came  to  New  Mexico,  and  was  put  in  charge  of  Xongo- 
pabi,  or  Mieschongopavi.  In  1674  he  wrol  s  t-o  a  Father  of  the  province  a- 
bout  a  little  girl,  who  after  ten  years  of  sufferings  had  been  cured  of  her 
sickness  through  the  intercession  of  Our  Lady.  The  girl  told  him  to  warn 
the  people  that  after  a  few  years  this  land  would  be  destroyed  for  the 
want  of  respect  towards  the  missionaries.  For  his  part  he  hoped  to  see 
that  time,  in  order  that  he  might  return  to  his  Redeemer  the  life  he  had 
received  from  Him.  His  ardent  desire  for  martyrdom  was  gratified  on  the 
tenth  of  August  1680.  ("Martyrs"  53-57.) 

Fr.  Jos6  de  Espoleta  was  bom  at  Estella,  in  the  province  of  Navarre, 
Spain,  and  came  to  New  Mexico  in  1650.  Vetancurt  says  Fr.  Espeleta  was 
massacred  on  August  10,  1680,  at  Oraibi,  together  with  Fr.  Augustin  de 
Santa  Maria.  Other  writers  claim  that  he  was  kept  as  a  slave  by  tlie  In- 
dians, and  used  like  a  beast  of  burden,  and  as  an  object  of  ridicule  for 
old  and  young.  If  so  his  martyrdom  was  a  slow  one.  ("Martyrs,"  48-49.) 

Fr.  Augustin  de  Santa  Maria  was  the  assistant  of  Fr.  Espeleta.  He  was 
a  native  of  Patzcuaro,  MichoaciVn,  Mexico.  He  was  sent  to  Oraibi  in  1674. 
Notliing  is  known  of  the  manner  in  which  ho  suffered  martyrdom.  ("Mar* 
tyrs,"  16-47.) 


(Ireii;  at  the  same  time,  however,  they  declined  to  be 
Christianized,  (8)  wherefore  the  Fathers  returned  to 
Zinli,  whence  Fr.  Garaicoechea  made  a  report  on  the 
9th  of  June.  It  seems  that  down  to  1707,  about  sev- 
enty-five years,  Arizona  had  no  resident  Franciscan 
missionary  in  the  north,  whereas  the  southern  part 
of  the  territory  was  in  cliarge  of  the  Jesuits.  From 
1719-1745  the  Franciscans  visited  Aguatuvi  several 
times,  but  as  far  as  can  be  ascertained  none  resided 
there  permanently. 

It  is  to  be  observed  here  that  in  Spanish  and  Mex- 
ican tim3s  tliere  was  no  such  province  as  Arizona, 
under  tliat  or  any  other  name,  iioi-  was  the  territory 
divided  by  any  definite  l)oundaries  between  adjoining- 
provinces.  Tlie  portion  south  of  the  Gila  was  part  of 
Pimeria  Alta,  the  northern  district  of  Sonora.  A 
small  tract  in  the  northeast  was  generally  regarded 
as  belonging  to  New  Llexico.  The  name  Moqui  pro- 
vince was  sometimes  rather  vaguely  applied  to  the 
whole  region  north  of  the  Gila  valley.  (9)  Arizonac, 
whence  j)robal^Iy  Arizona  is  derived,  was  the  name 
applied  to  a  place  between  8aric  and  Guevavi.  It 
is  even  now  given  to  a  mountain  range  in  that  vicin- 
ity. (10) 

Towards  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century,  or 
about    the    year    ]()91,    the    Jesuit    Fathers    extended 

(8)  Bancroft  221-222;  "Veto,  padre,  que  todaviu  no  lia  Uejrado  el  tiemp  ) 
para  que  volvainos  a  ser  Cristianos,'"  they  yaid.  Ilistoria  del  Nayarit,  Li- 
bro  III,  4:J0.  (9)  "Todo  aquel  dilatado  terreno  que  desde  la  playa  de 
Caborco  so  estiendo  liasta  el  Presidio  de  Teruate,  y  comunmente  so  apel- 
lida  la  Pimeria  Alta  A  distincion  de  la  Baja  6  antigua,  que  comprenden 
Ids  Indies  de  la  misma  nacion  Pima,  y  viven  en  varies  puestos  desde  el 
desemboque  del  Rio  Yaqui  con  poca  interpolacion  hasta  las  misiones  de 
Tecora  y  Moris  conflnatitos."  (Historia  del  Nayarit,  285.)  Tlius  Pimeria 
Baja  may  be  said  to  include  all  that  territory  of  Sonora  extending  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Rio  Yaqui  east  and  then  north  to  the  Rio  Altar.  Pime- 
ria Alt.i  would  include  all  the  territory  north  to  tlie'Rio  Gila.  "Toda  la 
Pimeria  Alta  se  extiende  desde  el  Presidio  de  Ternate  eu  el  rumbo  de  O- 
riente  {i  Poniente,  hasta  las  playas  de  Caborca,  mas  de  cien  legiias,  y  des- 
de la  Mision  de  San  Ipnacio,  de  Sur  A  X6rte,  hasta  el  rio  de  Gila,  otraa 
cien  legwas.    Arricivita  396.        (10)    Bancroft,   Hist.  .A.rizoua,  341-15. 


^  26  — 

tiieir  missions  in  Sonora  across  the  border  into  Arizo- 
na, 160  years  after  the  first  Franciscan  traversed 
the  territory,  more  than  sixty  years  after  the  first 
permanent  Franciscan  residence  was  established  on 
its  soil,  and  about  sixty  years  after  the  martyrdom 
of  Arizona's  first  martyr,  the  Franciscan  Fr.  Francis- 
co de  Porras. 

The  celebrated  Jesuit,  Father  Kino,  crossed  the 
line  from  Sonora  as  far  as  Tumacacori  with  Fr.  Sal- 
vatierra  in  1691,  and  both  reached  San  Javier  del 
Bac  about  nine  miles  south  of  Tucson  in  1692.   (11) 

In  November  1694,  he  penetrated  alone  to  the  Gila 
valley  in  quest  of  ruins  reported  by  the  Indians.  He 
reached  the  Casa  Grande  and  said  Mass  in  the  a- 
dobe  struf'ture  whicli  had  been  visited  by  Fr.  Marcos 
de  Niza  in  1539.  In  1696  another  visit  to  San  Xavier 
del  Bac  is  mentioned.   (12) 

The  first  formal  exploration  on  the  part  of  the  gov- 
ernment authorities  in  this  direction  was  undertaken 
in  November  1697,  by  a  detachment  of  military  ac- 
companied by  the  Jesuit  Father  Kino.  This  party 
reached  the  Gila  River  at  its  junction  with  the  San 
Pedro,  whence  they  returned  southward.  Fr.  Kino 
baptized  89  natives.  Again  in  1698  Fr.  Kino  returned 
by  w^ay  of  Bac  to  the  Gila ;  but  no  particulars  of 
this  trip  are  extant.  In  the  next  year  he  reached  the 
Gila  about  ten  miles  above  the  Colorado  junction. 
The  natives  refused  to  guide  him  down  the  river, 
wherefore  he  went  up  the  river  eastward,  and  re- 
turned home  by  way  of  Bac.  On  this  trip  Fr.  Kino 
named  the  Colorado  Eio  de  los  Jlartires,  the  Gila 
Bio  de  los  Ajjostoles^  and  the  four  branches  of  the 
latter,  that  is,  the  Salado,  Verde,  Santa  Cruz,  and 
San  Pedro,  Los  Evangellstas,  names  they  did  retain. 
In  October  of  the  same  year  he  made  another  jour- 
ney to  Bac  in  the  company  of  two  Jesuit  Fathers.  In 

(11)    Historia  del  J  ayarit,  Libro  II,  Cap.  V.  p.  Sn-312.    (12)  Ibid.  315. 


YUMAS     IN     FESTIVAL     ARRAY. 


April  and  May  1700  Fr.  Kino  was  again  at  Bac  and 
laid  the  foundation  of  a  large  church,  whicli  the  na- 
tives were  eager  to  build,  but  respecting  the  further 
progress  of  which  nothing  is  known.  In  September 
Fr.  Kino  was  in  the  Yunux  country,  and  gave  the 
name  San  Dionisio  to  a  Yuma  rancheria  at  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Gila  with  the  Colorado.  In  1701  Fr.  Kino 
and  Fr.  Salvatierra  again  appeared  at  Bac  and  Tum- 
acacori.  Some  time  after,  the  venerable  explorer 
passed  from  Sonoita  to  the  Gila  and  the  Colorado, 
and  visited  the  Yumas  in  their  rancherias.  Early  in 
1702  Fr.  Kino  made  his  last  trip  to  the  Gila  and  Col- 
orado, and  this  was  also,  as  far  as  known,  the  last 
time  he  crossed  the  Arizomi  line.  ''There  is  no  satis- 
factory evidence,"  says  Bancroft,  "that  Arizona  had 
either  a  regular  mission  or  a  resident  Jesuit  before 
Kino's  death  in  1711.  A  few  rumors  of  padres  sta- 
tioned there  can  be  traced  to  no  delinite  source ;  and 
the  whole  tenor  of  such  records  as  exist  is  against 
them."   (13) 

After  Fr.  Kino's  death,  for  more  than  twenty 
years,  no  Spaniard  is  known  to  have  entered  Arizona. 
It  is  not  unlikely  that  a  missionary  may  have  visited 
the  rancherias  of  the  Santa  Cruz  valley,  but  there  is 
no  record  of  such  trips  into  Arizona.  All  communica- 
tion gradually  ceased;  the  Gila  tribes  forgot  what  Fr. 
Kino  had  taught  them,  and  even  the  nearer  Pimas 
and  Sobaipuris  lost  much  of  their  zeal  for  mission 
life.  Only  two  or  three  Jesuits  are  known  to  have 
worked  in  the  field  of  the  Pimeria  Alta  near  the  Ar- 
izona line  before  1730.  (14) 

In  1731  there  came  a  small  reenforcement  of  Jes- 
uits; two  of  them  were  sent  to  the  north  and  ef- 
fected what  may  ])e  regarded  as  the  first  Spanish 
settlement  in    southern    Arizona.    Fr.    Felipe   Segesser 

(13)  Historia   del   Nayarit  Libro  II,  330-382;      Banc.  Hist.  Ariz.  352-361. 
(14)     "En  casi  veinte  afios  quedaron  sin  ministros,"  Hist,  del  Nayarit,   L, 
III,  423-436;    Banc.  Hist.  Ariz.,  364-306. 


—  28  — 

took  charge  of  San  Javier  del  Bac.  and  Fr.  Juan 
Baptista  Grasshoffer  of  San  Miguel  de  Guevavi, 
which  from  this  time  may  be  regarded  as  regular 
missions,  the  other  rancherias  becoming  visitas  or 
missionary  stations.  It  is  probable  that  during  the 
rest  of  the  Jesuit  period  the  two  missions  were  but 
rarely  without  priests.  Fr.  Grasshoffer  died;  Fr.  Gas- 
par  Steiger  was  at  Bac  in  1733-1736;  and  in  1750  the 
missionaries  were  Fr.  Jose  Carucho  at  Guevavi,  and 
Fr.  Francisco  Paver  at  San  Javier  del  Bac.  In  1736- 
1737  Fr.  Ignacio  Keller  of  Suamca  in  Sonora  made 
two  trips  to  the  Gila  and  visited  the  Casa  Grande. 
He  found  that  many  of  the  rancherias  of  Kino's 
time  had  been  broken  up. 

In  1743  Fr.  Jacol)  Sedelmair  of  Tubutama  reached 
the  Gila,  and  in  the  following  year  attempted  to  vis- 
it the  Moqui  in  the  north,  but  owing  to  the  unwill- 
ingness of  the  Indians  to  guide  him  he  did  not  get 
beyond  the  Big  Williams  Fork. 

In  1750  occurred  the  second  revolt  of  the  Pima 
triljes,  in  which  two  missionaries,  at  Caborca  and 
Sonoita,  were  killed,  as  were  about  100  Spaniards. 
Bac  and  Guevavi  were  plundered  and  abandoned,  but 
the  two  Jesuits  escaped  -to  Suamca.  Peace  was  re- 
stored in  ]75'2  and  the '  missions  reoccupied  in  1754. 
(15) 

During  the  remaining  years  of  the  Jesuit  period, 
1754-1767,  tlie  missions  of  the  Pimeria  Alta  barely 
maintained  a  precarious  existence.  ^'A  few  neophytes 
were  induced  to  remain  faithful,  but  the  natives 
lived  for  the  most  part  as  they  pleased,  not  openly 
rebellious,  nor  disposed  to  molest  the  padres,  so  long 
as  the  latter  attempted  no  control  of  their  actions, 
and  were  willing  to  take  tlieir  part  in  quarrels  with 
settlers  or  soldiers.  Missionary  work  was  at  a  stand- 
still." Exactly  h.ow  long  the  missions  had  been  aban- 

(15J     Dane.  Hist.  Ariz.  3G2-369;     Hist,  del  Nayarit,  13J-155. 


doned  after  the  revolt  of  IToO  is  not  known  ;  ])ut  in 
17(vJ  Fr.  Alonso  Espinosa  -was  in  chariie  of  Bac,  as 
he  was  still  at  the  time  of  tiie  Jesuit  expulsion  in 
1767.  At  Guevavi  Ihi'  missionaries  Avere  Fr.  I^iiacio 
Pfeiferkorn  in  170^5,  Fr.  Jimeno  in  1704,  and  Fr.  Pe- 
dro Rafael  Diez  in  17(57.  The  rancheria  of  Tucson 
was  a  visita  of  Bac  in  theso  years,  and  a  few  S])an- 
isji  settlers  seem  to  have  lived  thore  ;  ])ut  in  17(*k}  it 
was,  like  the  mission,  abandoned  by  all  except  a 
few  sick  and  infirm  Indians.  Tliere  were  also  nearly 
200  Spanish  settlers  at  Guevavi,  Santa  Barl)ara,  and 
Buenavista.  The  missionary  stations  of  Tunnu-acori 
and  Calabazas  were  composed  of  Pima  and  Papaiio 
neophytes;  l)ut  the  latter  had  run  away  in  1763.  JRe- 
specting  the  expulsion  of  the  devoted  Jesuit  Fathers 
by  the  Free  Mason  government  of  Spain  in  1767 
nothing  is  known,  except  the  names  of  the  three  Fa- 
thers Espinoza,  Diaz,  and  Barera,  the  latter  at  Suam- 
ca.  The  whole  number  of  neophytes  in  1764-1767 
seems  to  have  been  about  1,250, 

From  the  Si)anisli  names  on  early  nuips  the  conclu- 
sion has  been  drawn  that,  up  to  the  Gila  valley,  Ari- 
zona was  covered  with  prosperous  Spanish  missions 
and  settlements  which  had  to  be  abandoned  later  in 
consequence  of  Apache  raids;  but  the  truth  is,  there 
was  no  Spanish  occupation  beyond  a  narrow  region  of 
the  Santa  Cruz  valley,  and  even  tiiere  were  only  the 
two  missions  Bac  and  Guevavi,  with  a  few  rancher- 
ias  de  visita  under  resident  missionaries  from  1732, 
or  possibly  1720,  and  protected  in  their  precarious 
existence  by  the  Tubac  presidio  from  1752.  The  Span- 
ish names  of  saints  were  simply  those  applied  by  Kino 
and  his  associates  to  the  rancherias  visited  on  their 
exploring  tours,  whose  inhabitants,  in  some  instances, 
were  induced  to  make  preparations  for  the  reception 
of  the  missionaries  promised,  but  who  never  came.  It 
has  also  been  the  fashion  to  regard  Tucson  as  a  more 
or    less    prosperous   town    from    a    very    early  time, 


—  30  — 

Some  writers  even  date  its  foundation  in  the  six- 
teenth century,  though,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  not 
heard  of  even  as  an  Indian  rancheria  till  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  was  not  properly  a 
Spanish  settlement  till  the  presidio  was  moved  there 
in   later  years.   (16) 

After  the  Masonic  government  of  Spain  in  1767 
had  expelled  the  devoted  Jesuits,  all  the  mission 
property,  since  it  was  regarded  as  belonging  to  the 
missionaries  and  not  to  the  Indians,  was  confiscated, 
and  its  care  temporarily  intrusted  to  royal  comisiona- 
dos.  The  result  was  that  in  1798  the  viceroy  wrote: 
"There  is  no  reason  to  doubt  that  they  either  wasted 
or  embezzled  the  rich  temporalities  of  all  or  most  of 
the  missions,  and  that  these  funds  were  lost,  and  de- 
cadence or  ruin  could  not  be  prevented."   (17) 


CHAPTER  III. 


Franciscans  Of  Queeetaro  And  Xalisco  Called— Difficulties— The 
Missions  Accepted  In  The  Pimerias— State  Of  The  Missions— Path- 
EKs  Sarobe  And  Buena— Don  Galvez— Mission  Temporalities. 

When  the  Masons  had  succeeded  in  getting  the  Je- 
suits removed,  the  southern  Sonora  missions  were  se- 
cularized and  placed  in  charge  of  secular  priests,  but 
those  of  Pimeria  Baja  and  Pimeria  Alta,  which  lat- 
ter included  the  southern  part  of  Arizona  to  the  Gila 
River,  were  offered  to  the  Franciscans.  For  this  pur- 
pose Viceroy  La  Croix  requested  the  guardian  of 
the  missionary  college  of  Santa  Cruz  at  Queretaro 
to   furnish  fourteen   or   at  least    twelve    religious   to 

(16)  Banc.  37;!-374.  (17)  Banc.  Hist.  Texas  and  North  Pacific  States,  I,  704: 
Hi.st.  Arizona,  975;  Vide  also  "The  Franciscans  in  California"  for  .simi- 
lar results, 


—  81  — 
take  charge  of  the  missions  in  Pimeria  Alta  and  Ba- 

A  numl)er  of  missions  in  Pimeria  Baja  were  given 
to  the  Franciscans  of  the  province  of  Xalisco,  wlio 
were  to  furnish  eleven  missionaries. 

Fourteen  religions  out  of  a  larger  number  that  had 
volunteered  were  therefore  selected  at  Queretaro  for 
the  northern  missions.  On  tlie  5th  of  August,  1767, 
the  whole  conomunity  assembled  in  the  chapel,  and 
after  singing  the  Tata  pulchra  es.  Maria,  to  obtain 
the  protection  of  the  Mother  of  God,  tlie  new  a- 
postles  embraced  their  brethren,  and  then  set  out 
for  their  long  journey  "with  the  blessing  of  God  and  , 
St.  Francis."  The  superior  of  the  little  seraphic  band 
was  Fr.  Mariano  Antonio  de  Buena  y  Alcalde.   (1) 

On  the  26  of  the  same  month  they  reached  Tepic  in 
Xalisco,  where  they  were  hospitably  received  at  the 
convent  of  Santa  Cruz  belonging  to  the  Franciscans  of 
Xalisco.  The  Jaliscans  who  were  to  take  charge  of 
the  missions  in  Pimeria  Baja,  and  the  Fernandinos 
who  were  on  their  way  to  Lower  California  for  the 
same  work,  also  met  at  the  hospice  about  this  time. 
The  religious  were  all  detained  at  Tepic  for  about 
five  months  before  they  found  an  opportunity  to  de- 
part for  the  north.  At  last,  on  the  17th  of  January 
the  Fathers  left  Tepic.  and  on  tlie  20th  the  fourteen 
destined  for  Pimeria  Alta,  togetlier  with  those  ap- 
pointed for  California,  embarked  at  San  Bias  on 
the  two  ships  San  Carlos  and  Lauretana.  One  of 
the  vessels  was  driven  back  to  San  Bias  by  a 
storm,    and  the    other  was    forced  to   make   for  Mat- 

(1)  Arricivita,  394-95.  Arricivita  says  that  Fr.  Buena  was  also  appointed 
Apostolic  Prefect.  He  does  not  give  the  names  of  the  thirteen  compan- 
ions, but  as  nearly  as  can  be  puessed  from  Bancroft  they  were  as 
follows:  Francisco  Garc6s,  Juan  Chrii<6stomo  Gil  do  Bernave,  Francis- 
co Roche,  Antonio  de  los  Reyes,  Juan  Sarobe,  Martin  Garcia,  JosS  del 
Rio,  Jos6  Soler,  Juan  Diaz,  and  probably  Est^van  Salazar,  Jop6  Maria 
Espinozn,  Juan  Zuf.iga.  and  Felipe  Guillen;  Bancroft,  Hist.  Tex.  I,  794; 
Hist.  Ariz.,  375. 


—  82  — 

zatlan,  whence  six  Fathers  amidst  unspeakable  hard- 
ships travelled  over  land.  Those  that  had  returned  to 
San  Bias  again  took  to  the  sea  and  linally  landed  at 
the  port  of  Guaimas,  after  a  voyage  lasting  three 
months  and  nineteen  days.  They  rested  only  four 
days  and  then  journeyed  the  remainder  of  the  way 
by  land,  a  distance  of  two  hundred  leagues.  Before 
the  end  of  June  all  the  missionaries  had  reached  the 
stations  assigned  to  them.  Their  only  grief  was  that 
each  one  was  left  alone  at  his  mission.  Before  sep- 
arating from  the  missionaries  destined  for  California, 
the  Queretaro  Fathers  had  formed  a  compact  with 
them  according  to  which  each  Father  was  to  say  nine 
Masses  for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  any  of  the  other 
band    who    should    die  on  the  mission.   (3) 

The  missions  of  Pimeria  Baja  accepted  l\v  the 
Franciscans  of  Jalisco  in  1708  were  the  following: 
Yecora,  or  Tecora,  with  the  two  mission  stations 
Zaraichi  and  Onapa.  Here,  it  seems,  Fr.  Fernando 
Ponce  de  Leon  was  placed  in  charge.  The  mission 
was  attacked  by  rebel  Pimas  in  17(38,  and  the  visi- 
tas  al)andoned  l)efore  1784. 

Arlvechi    with  Bacanora  as  a  station.    Fr.  Jose   Maria 
Cabrera  was  the  missionary. 

Sahuaripa     with    the     station    Teopari.     Both    places 
were  attended  by  Fr.  Joaquin  Ramirez. 
Guazaba    with  the  visitas  Oputo  and  Cumpas. 
Boca  de   Gandu    besides  the  stations  Nacori    and   Mo- 
chapa. 

Boseraca    with  Guachimera  and  Babispc. 
Bacoachi. 
Cuguiarachi. 

Unfortunately  their  is  no  record  of  the  distribution 
of  the  Fathers  to  be  found,  nor  even  of  the  mission- 
aries' names,  except  the   three   mentioned;  neither  is 

(2)    Airicivita,    395'3p6;     falou,    Moticias,  I,  1-12;     Banc.  Hist.  North  Mex, 
gtatos,  I,  706, 


—  33  — 

anything  known  definitely  al)()ut  their  early  Vvork  in 
the  new  field.  Presumably  they  encountered  the  same 
obstacles,  and  struggled  to  overcome  Ihcm  in  the 
same  manner,  as  their  associates  of  the  t^'anta  Cruz 
College  in  the  north.   (3) 

The  missions  in  Pimeria  Baja  assigned  to  the  Que- 
retaro  Franciscans  and  taken  charge  of  in  17(38  were: 

Cumuripa  ten  leagues  from  the  presidio  of  Bu- 
ena  Vista.  Its  population  was  13(3  in  1772. 

Tecor'vpa  with  the  mission  station  of  .Suaqui, 
nine  leagues,  and  San  Jose  de  Pimas  with  the  presi- 
dio, 15  leagues  distant.  Here  Fr,  Juan  iSarobe  was 
stationed. 

Tires  with  the  mission  station  Santa  Kosalia,  dis- 
tant twelve  leagues.  This  was  Fr.  Buena's  residence 
for  a  while. 

Opodepe  with  Nacameri,  six  leagues  away. 

Citcurpe  with  the  visita  of  Tuape,  distant  six 
leagues.  This  mission  was  properly  in  Pimeria  Alta, 
and    at  first  given  to  Fr.  Antonio  Ileyes. 

Onahas  or  Onavas^  with  the  stations  Tonichi,  four 
leagues,  and  Suapa,  ten  leagues  away.  In  1772  the 
population  was  1,141.  It  was  formed  into  a  curacy 
before  1784. 

Carrizal  was  a  mission  newly  established  in  1772, 
but  destroyed  in  1773. 

In  1774  the  Queretaro  Fathers  transferred  their 
missions  in  Pimeria  Baja  to  the  Franciscans  of  Jalis- 
co, and  devoted  themselves  to  the  missions  in  Pime- 
ria Alta.  As  we  intend  to  give  a  history  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans in  Pimeria  Alta  only,  which  included  Arizo- 
na, the  Jaliscan  Fathers  and  their  missions  in  Pim- 
eria Baja  will  not  concern  us  further.   (4) 

The  missions   accepted  by   the    Franciscans  of   Que- 

(3)  Banc.  Hist.  Texas,  I,  710;  722.  (4)  Arricivita,  390;  Banc.  Hist.  Texas, 
1,  722.  Pitic,  a  pueblo  where  in  1770-1771  many  of  the  repentant  lr"eri  In- 
dians assembled,  was  for  a  time  in  charge  of  Fr.  Matias  Gallo.  It  later 
on  passed  into  the   hands  of  the  Jaliscaus.    Banc.  'bid.  709. 


—  34  — 

retaro  in  Pimeria  Alta  during  1768  wei-e  as  follows! 

San  Ignacio  with  the  mission  station  Santa  Maria 
Magdnlena,  two  leagues,  and  San  Jose  de  Himuris, 
three  leagues  distant.  Fr.  Diego  Garcia  was  the  first 
Franciscan  stationed  here  from  1768-1772. 

Santa  Maria  de  Suamca  Avith  the  visita  Santiago 
de  Cocospera.  It  was  put  in  charge  of  Fr.  Francisco 
Roche  in  June  1768.  In  November  of  the  same  year 
the  mission  was  destroyed  by  the  Apaches  after  a 
hard  fight  with  the  Pima  neophytes.  The  missionary 
then  transferred  his  fiock  to  Cocospera,  which  also 
suffered  in  1769. 

Dolores  de  Sarlc  with  San  Jose  Aquimuri  as  visi- 
ta. Formerly  two  other  stations  existed,  Arizona  and 
Busanig,  which  were  deserted  in  1760  on  account  of 
savage   raids. 

San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Tuhutama  w^ith  the  vi- 
sita Santa  Teresa,  two  leagues  away.  The  Fr.  Presi- 
dent, Fr.  Buena,  took  charge  of  this  mission  in  1768. 
San  Francisco  de  All  with  the  pueblo  of  San  Anto- 
nio Aquitoa  as  visita,  five  miles  distant,  besides  two 
other  stations  near  the  presidio  of  Altar.  There  was 
no  church  at  Aquitoa,  and  the  one  at  Ati  w^as  a  very 
small  and  poor  structure.  Fr.  Jose  Soler  was  the  first 
Franciscan  to  take  charge  in    1768. 

Pnrisima  Concepcion  de  Cahorca  with  San  Antonio 
Pitiqui,  five  leagues,  and  Nuestra  Seiiora  del  Populo, 
or  San  Juan  de  Bisanig,  two  leagues  distant.  There 
was  neither  church  nor  house  for  the  priest  at  Piti- 
qui. Fr.  Juan  Diaz,  1768-1773,  was  the  first  Francis- 
can missionary. 

Santos  Angeles  de  Guevavi  with  the  three  visitas 
San  Jose  de  Tamacacori,  San  Cayetano  de  Calabazas, 
and  San  Ignacio  de  Sonoitac.  Fr.  Juan  Gil  de  Ber- 
nave  was  appointed  to  these  missions  in  1768.  There 
was  no  church  at  Calabazas,  and  the  others  are  de- 
scribed as  poor.  Tumacacori  was  one  league  from  the 
presidio  of  Tubac,  and  it   had   adobe   houses   for   the 


2; 

u 

> 

> 
z 

a 
o 

> 

r 
> 


—  a.5  — 

Indians  and  some  walls  for  defense. 

San  Xavier  del  Bac  with  the  visita  or  rather  i)re- 
sidio  of  San  Jose  de  Tucson,  three  leag;ues  north  of 
Bac.  Here  Fr.  Francisco  Garces  took  np  his  residence 
in  1768.   (5) 

According  to  a  register  ])reparod  by  order  of  A'isi- 
tador  General  Galvez  in  ]T6!),  a  year  after  tlie  Fran- 
ciscans had  taken  possession,  there  were  in  Pimeria 
Baja,  witii  its  eight  missions  and  fifteen  ((>)  pueblos, 
3,011  Indians  and  792  gente  de  razonx  while  in  the 
eight  missions  and  sixteen  (7)  pueblos  of  Pimeria 
Alta  there  were  2,018  Indians  and  only  ]78  gente  de 
razon^  besides  the  soldiers  and  their  families,  or  a 
total  of  6,489  souls,  not  counting  those  in  the  presi- 
dios whose  spiritual  needs  were  attended ,  to  by  the 
Queretaro  Fathers.   (S) 

"The  missions,"  says  Bancroft  following  Arricivita, 
"were  found  ])y  the  Franciscans  in  a  sad  state.  Some 
of  the  establishments  had  been  plundered  l)y  the  A 
paches,  and  were  again  plundered,  as  at  Suamca  and 
Bac,  during  the  first  year  of  the  Franciscan  occu- 
pation. In  some  cases  the  comisarios  had  grossly  neg- 
lected their  duties.  Everywhere  the  neophytes  had 
been  for  a  year  free  from  all  control,  and  had  not 
been  improved  by  their  freedom.  Not  only  had  they 
relapsed  to  a  great  extent  into  their  roving  and 
improvident  habits,  but  they  had  imbibed  \\q\y  ideas 
of  independence,  fostered  largely  by  settlers  and  sol- 
diers. They  regarded  themselves  as  entirely  free  from 
all  control  of  the  missionaries,  whose  whole  dut}'  in 
these  latter  times  was  to  attend  to  religious  mat- 
ters. The  padres  might  not,  so  these  independent  al)- 
origines  thought,  give  orders,  but  must  prefer  re- 
quests to  the  native  officials ;  if  they  required  work 
for  them  they  must  pay  for  it.    (9) 

(5)  Arricivita  390;  Bancroft,  Hist.  Texas,  I,  723-724.  (61  Arricivita  says  7, 
(7)  Arricivita  has  8.  (8)  Arricivita,  lOli ;  Banc.  Hist.  Te?as,  723-724, 
(9)  Banc  Hist.  Texas.  I,  706-707. 


~  30  - 

"The  friars  at  first  Imd  notliing  to  do  with  the 
temporalities,  but,  alter  examining  the  situation  in 
the  provinces,  Galvez  in  1769  ordered  the  property 
returned  to  the  control  of  the  missionaries,  and  the 
slight  remnants  were  thus  restored.  Some  of  the  Fa- 
thers thought  this  was  incompatible  with  the  apos- 
tolic ministry,  and  therefore  made  humble  represen- 
tations against  the  transfer,  giving  as  an  excuse  their 
natural  inability  for  such  a  charge.  Galvez,  however, 
thought  their  objections  additional  reasons  why  they 
should  accept  the  control  of  the  temporalities  for 
the  benefit  of  the  natives,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
following  decree  : 

"In  order  that  I  can  with  due  knowledge  and  all 
possible  promptness  take  the  measures  which  I  desire 
for  the  benefit  of  the  natives  of  the  missions,  who 
are  in  charge  and  under  the  administration  of  the 
very  reverend  missionaries  of  the  College  of  the 
Propaganda  Fide  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Queretaro,  I 
command  all  and  each  one  of  the  comisarios  reales, 
to  whose  care  the  temporal  administration  of  the  mis- 
sions mentioned  has  been  committed,  that  they  im- 
mediately by  inventories  deliver  all  the  effects,  prop- 
erty, flocks,  and  the  management  to  the  Reverend 
Fathers  without   delay,  etc." 

"The  administration  of  the  temporalities,"  Arricivi- 
ta  continues,  "was  not  prohibited  as  some  over-scru- 
pulous Fathers  contended ;  it  was  a  charitable  charge, 
and  a  fortunate  though  burdensome  means  to  estab- 
lish and  maintain  the  missions,  with  which  they  at- 
tracted and  held  together  numerous  souls  from  pagan- 
ism;  and,  as  the  Indians  in  the  Pimerias  were  not 
of  a  different  character  from  those  of  the  coast,  nor 
of  a  more  industrious  and  economical  nature,  it  was 
necessary  to  look  after  both  their  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral affairs.  For  these  reasons  the  Fr.  President  in 
a  letter  to  the  visitador  general  accepted  the  trust, 
raid   submitted  to   the  double  work  of  teaching   them 


Christianity  by  making  them  settle  down  first  to  till 
the  soil,  instead  of  seeking  their  livelihood  in  the 
mountains,  and  to  provide  for  the  sick  and  infirm, 
orphans  and  old  people;  for  the  Indians  were  so 
heartless  as  to  leave  the  dying,  even  the  little  chil- 
dren, alone  and  unattended,  and  when  dead  to  leave 
them  unburied."  (JO) 

After  the  Fathers  had  explained  to  the  secular  au- 
thorities that  the  missionaries  would  have  to  depend 
upon  themselves  for  their  maintenance,  and  that  it 
would  be  disastrous  for  their  work  to  force  the  In- 
dians in  their  present  state  of  mind  to  support  the 
religious,  "they  received  a  stipend  of  $800  each  from 
the  royal  treasury,  and  spent  what  they  did  not  need 
for  themselves  on  their  churches  and  neophhytes. 
They  worked  faithfully,  though  often  discouraged, 
and  presently  the  state  of  aii'airs  became,  in  all  es- 
sential respects,  similar  to  that  of  Chihuahua,  the  pa- 
dres keeping  together  the  skeleton  communities,  in- 
structing the  children,  caring  for  the  sick,  and  by 
gifts  and  persuasion  exercising  slight  and  varying 
control  over  the  masses  of  Indians  Avho  were  Chris- 
tians only  in  name.''''   (11) 

"Officers  intrusted  with  the  expulsion  of  the  Jesu- 
its, in  order  to  reconcile  the  Indians  to  the  change 
and  prevent  disturbances,  had  taken  pains  to  make 
them  regard  the  measure  as  a  release  from  bondage. 
This  had  much  to  do  with  the  independent  spirit  that 
proved  so  troublesome  to  the  new  missionaries, 
though  the  systems  followed  by  the  two  Orders  did 
not  differ  in  any  important  respect. 

"By  no  means  all  existing  troubles,  however,  arose 
from  the  natives'  new-born  independence  of  mission- 
ary control.  Each  establishment  had  a  hirge  number 
of  native  officials  who  quarreled  among  themselves ; 
and  the  few  settlers  of  Spanish  or  mixed  blood  had 
their  separate  Jueces  Ecales^    who   were    not    slow    to 


(lU)    Arricivita,  409-n2.         (U)  Arricivita  JlOl ;    Bancroft  Hist.  Texas,  I,  707. 

276470 


—  as  — 

interfere  in  matters  that  did  not  concern  them.  There 
was  likewise  confusion  in  ecclesiastical  affairs ;  for 
the  friars  were  forbidden  to  exercise  control  over 
other  than  Indians."   (12) 

The  Pimerias  were  largely  inhabited  by  tlie  Pi- 
ma and  Seri  Indians,  tribes  very  much  addicted 
to  witchcraft  and  other  lieathen  practices,  which  were 
among  the  worst  obstacles  to  tlie  spread  of  Chris- 
tianity. Many  of  the  natives  had  indeed  been  bap- 
tized, and  seemed  to  be  converted,  but  secretly  they 
continued  their  superstitious  practices,  (trato  del  de- 
monio).  Moreover,  they  were  so  vindictive  that  they 
would  light  a  duel  for  the  slightest  offense.  Nor  were 
even  the  missionaries  safe  from  the  fury  of  their  un- 
grateful wards ;  for,  had  the  Indians  not  feared  de- 
tection aud  punishment,  the  lives  of  the  Fathers, 
while  out  on  their  mission  tours,  would  often  have 
been  in  imminent  danger.  In  a  few  of  the  pueblos 
some  of  the  natives  that  understood  Spanish  would 
come  to  the  religious  instructions,  but  the  vast  ma- 
jority remained  Avholly  indifferent,  particularly  so  du- 
ring the  early  years  Avlien  the  missionaries  could  not 
converse  with  them  in  tlie  native  language,  and  the 
Indians  could  not  understand  the  Fathers.  This  was 
a  source  of  much  grief  to  the  poor  religious.  (13) 

(12)    ArricivLta,  409-413;      Banc.  Hist.  Texas,  I,    700-70«;  723-24;    Banc.  Hist. 
Ariz.,    375-370. 

(13)  "Aunqae  se  ven  muclios  que  parecen  convertidos  &  la  F6  Cat61ica  y 
como  tales  bautizados,  pero  intimamonte  estdn  infoctos  con  el  trato  del 
demonio,  y  contagiados  de  padres  A  litjos,  de  amigos  y  vecinos,  sin  tenor 
en  sus  corazones  ni  el  mas  leve  seutimionto  de  Cristianos,  ni  la  instruc- 
cion  de  los  mistorios  que  les  es  necesaria  para  salvarse.' 
"Eu  pocos  pueblos  se  oncusntran  algunos  que  sepan  liablar  en  Castilla, 
y  en  ninj^uuo,  uno  siquiera,  sepa  en  ella  la  Doctrina  Christiana,  por  lo 
que  nos  liallamos  sin  iutdrprete,  para  poder  en  casos  urgentes  ministrar- 
los  lo9  Santos  Sacramentos. 

"Y  quo  el  libertinage  on  que  vagueban  era  mas  de  paganos,  que  de  Ca- 
t61icos,  y  totalmeute  impedia  su  catequismo,  del  que  no  tenian  la  instru- 
cion  debida,  para  administrarl?s  los  Sacramentos  en  caso  necessario,  no 
obstante  que  todos  fstaban  ya  bautizados "Pues  nos  ha  parecido  &,  to- 
dos  los  uiiuistros,  despues  de  muchas  reflexiones  y  exanienjes  de  los  mas 
advertido~,  cultivados  y  morigerndos,  no  tienen  otra  cosa  de  Christ.'anos, 
qu3  el  inde'abl'  car.icter  del  Santo  Bautismo.    Arricivita,  397-399;  401-403. 


~  39  — 

Nor  (lid  it  lighten  the  work  of  the  Fathers  that  a 
royal  decree  was  issued  which  directed  that  the 
Christian  doctrine  should  be  taught  in  the  Spanish 
language.  This  added  considerably  to  the  difficulties 
under  which  the  Religious  labored,  and  gave  the  in- 
dolent savages  additional  excuses  to  rove  about  the 
mountains  rather  than  listen  to  their  spiritual  guides. 
However  in  this  matter  the  missionaries  used  their 
good  sense;  they  instructed  the  savages  in  the  verna- 
cular as  soon  as  they  had  acquired  sufficient  know- 
ledge to  make    themselves    understood.   (14) 

Disheartening  as  the  ditliculties  and  hardships  of 
the  Fathers  were,  the  want  of  a  sufficient  number  of 
missionaries  weighed  far  more  heavily  upon  the  de- 
voted men.  Their  missions  were  far  apart,  and  so 
numerous  that  one  priest  alone  could  effect  but  little 
in  the  manner  he  was  obliged  to  visit  his  people.  All 
he  could  do  was  to  say  Mass  and  administer  the  Sa- 
craments to  the  dying.  Then  he  would  be  forced  to 
hasten  to  the  next  station,  though  with  a  bleeding 
heart,  because  he  saw  the  necessity  of  remaining  lon- 
ger to  instruct  old  and  young  in  the  very  rudiments 
of  what  it  was  so  necessary  for  them  to  know,  in  or- 
der that  they  might  profit  by  the  presence  of  the  mis- 
sionary who  could  come  around  but  rarely.  For  want 
of  these  religious  instructions  the  poor  Indians  re- 
mained in  their  superstitions  and  died  in  their  errors. 

This  unhappy  state  of  affairs  was  repeatedly, 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  Discretory  at  the  college 
of  Queretaro  and  also  to  the  notice  of  the  secular 
authorities  who  had  to  provide  the  missionaries  with 
the  means  to  reach  the  missions  and  maintain  them- 
selves among  the  natives;  but  unfortunately  the  wel- 
fare of  the  missions   was   often    sacrificed    to   politics. 


(14)  Quiere  nuestro  rey  y  senor  que  los  pftrrocos  y  inisioneros  .<e  dediqiion 
con  particular  esmero  y  aplLcacion  a  que  los  Indies  aprendan  y  hableu  el 
Castellano,  s^egun  esta  prevenido  en  las  leyes,  y  tan  justamente  recomen. 
dado  a  los  ministros  eclesiasticos."  Arriclvita,  403.  Sec  "Franciscans  iij 
California,"  126-127 ;  146,  US. 


^  40  - 

At  the  close  of  a  petition  directed  to  Don  Galvez 
the  Fathers  declare:  "We  are  convinced,  and  from 
experience  we  know,  that  it  is  morally  impossible  to 
educate  the  Indians  sufficiently,  as  it  is  right  and  ne- 
cessary to  do  in  order  to  bring  about  their  salvation, 
if  the  pueblos  remain  as  they  are,  having  only  one 
missionary,  and  in  his  charge  the  stations  which  he 
must  attend  as  now,  where  the  Indians  are  allowed 
unlimited  freedom  in  their  errors,  barbarities,  and 
vile  habits."   (15) 

Notwithstanding  these  most  unfavorable  conditions, 
the  Fatliers  did  not  sit  down  to  lament  and  dream 
about  what  ought  to  be  done,  but  at  once  set  them- 
selves to  work  to  make  the  most  of  the  circumstan- 
ces, often  risking  their  lives  to  ^vin  the  Indians  back 
to  a  sense  of  their  duties,  as  may  be  gathered  from 
the  following   incident. 

The  Seri  Indians,  an  indomitable  tribe  occupying 
the  western  part  of  Sonora,  were  in  open  rebellion 
at  this  time.  Though  they  had  been  among  the  first 
to  receive  missionaries,  and  many  were  baptized, 
their  barbarous  character  frustrated  all  efforts  to  sub- 
due them.  With  a  view  to  establish  peace  among 
them  and  to  punish  the  guilty  ones,  Don  Jose  Galvez 
was  sent  to  their  country  by  the  viceroy  in  1768;  but 
having  to  perform  similar  duties  in  Lower  California, 
the  visitador  general  did  not  reach  Sonora  until  the 
following  year.  Meanwliile  he  wrote  to  Fr.  President 
Mariano  Buena,  "and  directed  him  to  make  known 
to  the  Indians  that  he  wished  to  have  them  submit 
peaceably;  that  all  that  would  give  up  their  rebell- 
ious ways  should  be  pardoned,  but  that  the  obstinate 
should  be  punished." 

(15)    Arricivita.    "Cronica    Serafica,"    398-399;    400-402.    Estamos    persuadidos 
y  ja  por  experiencia  conoceno;-,  ser  nioralmente  impossible  educarlos    au- 

ficientemente perm  ineciendo  los  pueblos  como  hoy   estdn,    y  es- 

tando  solo  un  miuistro,  y  &  su  cargo  las  visitas  que  hasta  ahora  ban  te- 
nido,  en  las  que  ostAa  viv.eudo  las  Indios  &  su  total  libortad,  y  en  el  uso 
libre    de    sus   errores,  barbariedades  y  p6simas  inclinaciones." 


—  41  — 

The  Fr.  President  i^ladly  accepted  this  commission 
of  peace.  Leaving  his  mission  of  Ures,  he  went  from 
station  to  station  to  persuade  the  rebels  to  submit, 
but  met  with  so  little  success  that  he  reached  Teco- 
ripa  completely  discouraged.  Fr.  Juan  Sarobe,  then 
at  Tecoripa,  now  oifered  to  continue  his  superior's 
efforts  among  the  rebels,  whilst  Fr.  Buena  went  to 
Mission  Onabas  in  the  province  of  Ostimuri.  Fr.  Sa- 
robe just  came  in  time  to  prevent  an  attack  upon 
the  Indians,  which  had  been  arranged  by  the  coman- 
dante  of  Pitic.  In  the  name  of  the  visitador  general 
he  announced  a  suspension  of  hostilities  during  forty 
days,  in  order  to  give  the  Indians  time  to  consider 
the  terms  of  peace. 

At  the  same  time  he  started  out  for  the  Indian 
country,  in  spite  of  the  objections  of  the  comman- 
dant and  friendly  Indians,  who  declared  such  an  at- 
tempt to  be  a  most  hazardous  undertaking.  They  in- 
formed him  that  a  priest  had  been  killed  two  months 
before,  and  that  the  savages  would  not  respect  the 
priestly  character  in  any  one  else ;  but  the  intre- 
pid Fr.  Sarobe  replied  that  he  would  nevertheless  go 
and  see  if  he  could  not  liberate  those  souls  from 
hell  whither  they  were  going,  as  they  were  worse 
for  being  apostates  who  had  committed  sacrilegious 
murders  and  robberies;  and  that,  after  all,  if  they 
killed  him,  he  should  be  dying  for  his  God.    (16) 

Animated  by  this  noble  spirit,  without  any  other 
baggage  than  his  breviary,  a  crucifix,  and  u  picture 
of  Dur  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  without  more  provi- 
sions than  a  little  ground  corn  (pinole)  and  some 
jerked  beef,  and  with  but  two  Indians  from  Tecoripa 
and  two  from  Suaqui  as  guides  or  interpreters,  he 
started  out  towards  the  southeast  on  May  18tli,  1769. 
No  one  ever  expected  him  to  return.  Travelling  on 
foot  he  reached  a  rugged  place  in   the    mountains   on 

(16)    Who  the  murdered  priest  was  Arricivita  does  not  saj . 


in  the  morning  of  the  15th.  Here  he  staid  with  one 
Indian  to  say  his  office,  and  sent  the  other  three  to 
examine  the  neighboring  country.  Soon  a  number  of 
savages  appeared.  Fortunately  Ignacio  Tuaspa,  who 
had  fled  from  the  missions  a  year  before,  a  brother- 
in-hiw  of  one  of  the  messengers,  was  among  the  re- 
bels. After  a  few  words  had  been  exchanged,  one  of 
the  savages  suddenly  grasped  the  crucifix  which  Fr. 
Sarobe  wore  on  his  breast,  and  exclaimed:  "Here  you 
shall  die,  liar."  The  Father  at  once  recomended  him- 
self to  God,  and  asked  forgiveness  for  his  assailant; 
but,  in  the  confusion  that  ensued,  Ignacio  Tuaspa 
seized  the  missionary,  and  fled  with  him  to  the 
woods  where  he  succeeded  in  eluding  the  savages. 
After  four  days,  during  which  time  the  two  fugi- 
tives had  eaten  nothing  and  tasted  water  but  once, 
Fr.  Sarobe  again  appeared  at  Tecoripa,  where  he 
was  welcomed  by  Fr.  Jose  Caxa  Avho  had  been  sent 
there  by  the  Fr.  President.  Having  rested  for  Hwo 
days,  Fr.  Sarobe  went  to  Onabas  where  tlie  Fr.  Pre- 
sident received  him  cordially.  Though  this  attempt 
to  make  the  rebels  submit  was  unsuccassful  in  the 
main,  ten  women  left  the  rebels  and  returned  to 
the  missions.   (17) 

The  authorities  now  decided  to  chastise  the  mur- 
derous savages.  In  1769,  therefore,  the  troops  marched 
out  accompanied  by  Fr.  Garces,  who  thus  had  an  op- 
portunity to  satisfy  his  curiosity  regarding  new  coun- 
tries and  their  inhabitants,  ever  on  the  alert  to  find 
suitable  sites  for  establishing  new  missions.  He  re- 
duced his  observations  among  the  natives,  including 
a  trip  to  the  Gila,  to  writing,  and  turned  the  manu- 
script over  to  the  Fr.  President,  Fr.  Mariano  Buena, 
who  later  on  handed  the  papers  to  Don  Galvez. 

But  the  troubles  experienced  by  the  devoted  Relig- 
ious were  as  nothing  compared  to  the  grief  and   scru- 


(]7)    Arricivita,  405-409. 


_  i^  — 

pies  they  suffered  at  finding  themselves  compelled  to 
work  alone  at  their  respective  missions.  Again  and  a- 
gain  this  complaint  recurs  in  the  reports  and  letters 
of  the  Fathers  at  this  period;  and  on  one  occasion, 
especially,  the  Fr.  President,  in  the  nam>  of  all,  di- 
rected the  attention  of  the  visitador  general  to  this 
matter  in  the  most  urgent  manner. 

"It  is  evident,  my  Lord,"  he  wrote,  among  other 
things,  "that  the  Indian  neophytes  who  are  not  un- 
der the  watchful  eyes  of  tlie  missionaries  do  not  at- 
tend the  instructions,  forget  them  as  quickly  as  they 
learn  them,  and  despise  all  Christian  manners,  and 
live  in  constant  idleness,  planning  only  damage  to 
their  neighbor,  because  they  have  not  and  do  not 
desire  any  other  means  to  maintain  themselves  than 
to  live  by  theft,  without  work,  and  to  be  free  at  all 
times  to  give  themselves  up  to  their  vile  passions, 
superstitious  customs,  and  disgraceful  dances,  with- 
out it  being  possible  for  the  most  zealous  mission- 
ary to  remedy  such  disastrous  evils.  Hence  it  is  a 
torture  to  the  conscience  of  tlie  Fathers  to  be  called 
suddenly  to  administer  the  sacraments  to  any  of 
those  unfortunate  creatures ;  for  even  if  there  be 
time  to  examine  them  concerning  the  points  of  faith 
which  it  is  necessary  to  know,  the  fever,  or  pain, 
or  their  natural  indolence  cause  them  to  pay  no  at- 
tention, and  thus  they  die  in  their  ignorance.  The 
danger  is  almost  inevitable  on  account  of  the  dis- 
tance, which  is  often  as  far  as  fifteen  leagues  from 
the  mission  to  the  visitas;  for,  as  carelessness  is  na- 
tural with  the  natives,  and  especially  in  matters  of 
religion,  it  is  necessary  for  the  Lord  to  work  a  mira- 
cle in  order  that  each  one  that  falls  sick  may  die  fit 
to  receive  the  Holy  Sacraments ;  for  he  that  brings 
the  information  has  to  travel  many  leagues,  and  the 
missionary  many  more,  particularly  if  lie  dwells  at 
another  settlement,  and  he  always  goes  exposed  to 
perils  from  the  enemies,  as  he  lias  no  stronger  escort 


—  44  — 

than  two  or  three  Indians,  who  usually  take  to  flight 
on  the  first  appearance  of  danj^er."   (18) 

The  condirions  complained  of  show  that  the  In- 
dians of  those  times  were  in  nearly  every  particular 
the  same  as  now.  The  same  indifference  and  inatten- 
tion to  spiritual  matters,  the  same  longing  for  a 
life  without  work  or  steady  exertion  or  worry  for 
any  purjiose,  and  the  same  desire  for  nothing  but  eat 
and  drink,  and  plenty  of  it,  characterized  the  In- 
dians then  as   now. 

Nevertheless,  the  question  of  giving  each  mission- 
ary a  companion,  so  much  desired  by  the  Fathers, 
seems  to  have  again  been  dropped ;  at  all  events 
no  assistants  arrived,  for  the  reason  that  the  salary 
allowed  each  missionary  would  not  reach  to  main- 
tain two  Fathers  in  each  of  the  missions  in  that  poor 
region.  When  the  visitator  general  himself  came  to 
the  missionary  district,  ,  and  convinced  himself  that 
the  reports  of  the  Fathers  regarding  the  needs  of  the 
missions  were  truthful,  one  mission  at  least  profited 
by  the  visit;  for  when,  on  going  from  Tecoripa  to 
San  Jose,  its  visita,  he  found  the  distance  to  be  fif- 
teen leagues,  Galvez  immediately  directed  that  a  mis- 
sionary be  stationed  at  the  latter  place,  and  so  in- 
formed the  viceroy,  who  in  turn  notified  the  Fr. 
Guardian  that  he  might  now  attend  to  the  matter. 
Until  such  an  order  arrived  from  the  secular  author- 
ities, tlie  college  could  not  send  additional  mission- 
aries if  they  did  not  wish  to  expose  them  to  the  chi- 
canery of  petty  officials  at  the  missions.    (19) 

(.18)     See  "Franciscans  in  California,"  UU-Ul.        (19)     Ai-ricivita,  413-414. 


u  — 


CHAPTER   lY. 


Galvez  And  Buexa  Visit  The  Rebel  Seri— Illness  Of  Don  Galvez  -Fr. 
Garces  At  San  Xavier— His  First  Trip  To  The  Gila— Il-^ness  Of  Fr. 
Gaeces— Guevavi  Destroyed— Epidemic— Second  Missionary  Tout  Of 
Fr.  Garces— Indian  Gods— Garces  ;Proposes  Missions  On  The  Gila— 
Fr.  Buena  Resigns— New  Missionaries -The  Yumas— Third  Trip  Of 
Fr.  Garces. 

Oil  reaching  Ures,  from  Pitic  in  the  Seris  country, 
where  Fr.  President  Buena  resided,  Don  Galvez  com- 
municated to  him  the  intention  of  founding  a  mission 
among  the  Seri  if  they  would  only  be  pacified.  The 
Fr.  President  gladly  agreed  to  this  plan,  and  offered 
to  accompany  the  visitador;  but  when  the  rebels  re- 
mained obstinate,  he  returned  to  Ures  with  Fr.  Bu- 
ena. There  he  received  the  interesting  reports  of  Fr. 
Garces  who  urged  the  establishing  of  missions  among 
the  Indians  along  the  Gila  and  the  Colorado.  Galvez 
resolved  to  visit  those  regions,  but  his  failing  health 
compelled  him  to  remain  at  Ures  under  the  care  of 
Fr.  Buena,  from  October  1769  until  May  1770.  He 
then  left  Sonora  in  company  of  the  Fr.  President, 
and  went  to  Chihuahua.  For  having  nursed  the  visi- 
tador Fr.  Buena  received  a  letter  of  thanks  from  the 
viceroy  dated  early  in  1770. 

In  May  of  the  same  year  the  Seri  Indians  finally 
submitted,  with  exception  of  a  small  band  of  eleven 
men  captained  by  a  mulatto,  who  continued  a  source 
of  much  annoyance  for  a  time. 

A  promising  field  was  opened  to  the  Fathers  in 
the  countrv  around  Mission  San  Xavier  del  Bac,   and 


—  40  — 

in  Fr.  Francisco  Garces,  who  was  placed  there  in 
June  17(>8,  the  mission  found  a  man  equal  to  the 
situation.  Soon  after  reaching  the  post  assigned  to 
him,  he  put  himself  in  communication  with  the  ran- 
clierias  of  the  pagan  Indians,  and  gave  them  to  un- 
derstand that  he  desired  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  people  in  their  own  country  solely  for  the  pur- 
pose of  speaking  to  them  regarding  their  Creator.  At 
this  declaration  they  expressed  much  satisfaction, 
but  also  intimated  that  they  wished  him  to  come  a- 
lone,  and  that  they  would  send  some  Indians  to 
guide  him. 

A  military  officer  became  aware  of  the  missionary's 
plan,  and  endeavored  to  frustra<"e  it  by  asserting 
that  an  uprising  of  the  Papagos  was  feared.  Fr.  Gar- 
ces nevertheless  started  out  from  San  Xavier  on  Au- 
gust 29th,  1768,  accompanied  only  by  one  Indian  and 
the  four  guides  sent  to  meet  and  protect  him.  He 
travelled  southeast  through  the  country  of  the  Papa- 
gos about  eighty  leagues  west,  then  north,  and  then 
as  far  as  the;  Gila.  On  arriving  at  a  ranclieria  Fr. 
Garces  always  preached  to  the  Indians  through  an 
interpreter  about  the  mysteries  of  religion.  They 
readily  listened  to  his  instructions,  but  shrewdly  in- 
quired of  him  the  real  reason  for  entering  their 
country,  how  and  why  he  had  crossed  the  great 
sea,  what  he  expected  to  gain  among  them,  or 
whether  he  had  come  merely  out  of  curiosity  to  see 
their  territory.  They  then  assured  him  that  they  were 
on  friendly  terms  with  the  Spaniards,  and  that  tiiey 
did  not  object  to  have  missions  established  among 
their  people.  While  the  missionary  replied  to  their 
numerous  questions,  they  greatly  wondered  at  his  ap- 
pearance, closely  examined  his  sandals,  habit,  and 
cord,  and  finally  begged  him  to  baptize  their  chil- 
dren. When  he  explained  that  this  could  not  be  done 
as  yet,  owing  to  the  uncertainty  of  a  mission  among 
them,  the  poor  Indians  expressed  deep  regret. 


PAPAGO     INDIAN     DWELLINGS. 


^  47  .,- 

Fr.  Garces  was  very  well  pleased  with  the  result 
of  his  first  visit,  and  he  later  on  confessed  that  of 
all  the  Indians  he  met  anywhere  those  of  the  Gila 
River  occupied  the  first  place  in  his  affections.  He 
baptized  only  four  children  Avho  were  at  the  point  of 
death  among;  them.  As  he  had  left  his  mission  with- 
out a  priest,  he  was  forced  to  hasten  back,  but  the 
Indians  gave  him  a  guard  from  one  rancheria  to  an- 
other. The  news  of  the  arrival  of  a  new  missionary 
in  the  Indian  territory  soon  spread  in  all  directions. 
Full  of  joy  and  zeal  at  having  discovered  such  a 
rich  field,  he  reached  his  mission,  but  at  once  suf- 
fered a  fit  of  apoplexy  which  rendered  him  uncon- 
scious for  twenty  four  hours,  at  the  end  of  which  he 
was  seized  with  a  chill  from  which  he  iuffered  for  a 
long  time.  Fortunately  the  Father  stationed  at  Gue- 
vavi  arrived  to  visit  his  fellow  missionary,  and  in- 
duced him  to  rest  from  work,  because  the  life  of  Fr. 
Garces  was  in  imminent  danger.  While  at  San  Xa- 
vier,  his  own  mission  Guevavi  was  sacked  and  des- 
troyed by  the  ferocious  Apaches,  who  killed  all  the 
soldiers  but  two  whom  they  carried  along  in  order  to 
torture  them  as  only  demons  can  inspire.   (1) 

During  the  month  of  October  1770  the  whole  pro- 
vince suffered  from  an  epidemic  of  measles,  accompa- 
nied with  malignant  fever  and  diarrhea.  Many  of  the 
natives  died.  On  one  occasion,  when  a  married  wo- 
man had  fied  from  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  the  Pimas  of 
the  Rio  Gila  informed  Fr.  Garces  that  she  had  ar- 
rived among  them,  and  they  most  earnestly  begged 
liim  to  come  and  assist  them  in  their  afflictions.  As 
there  were  no  cases  of  serious  sickness  at  his  own 
mission  just  then,  Fr.  Garces  set  out  on  the  ISth  of 
October  on  his  second  missionary  tour,  'equipped  only 
with  charity  and  apostolic  zeal,'  intending  to  remain 
away   but  five   days.  Going   northwest   of   his   mission 


(J)    xVrricivita,  i03-404. 


through  the  Papago  country,  he  traversed  a  new  val- 
ley and  passed  the  rancherias  of  Cuitoat,  Oapars, 
and  Tubasa,  from  whicli  places  there  were  Indians  at 
his  mission.  On  the  19tli  he  turned  towards  the  west 
and  came  to  the  rancheria  of  Acjuitun,  and  on  the 
same  day  discovered  a  very  old  Indian  woman  who 
was  at  the  point  of  death.  After  instructing  her  as 
well  as  possible,  the  missionary  baptized  her.  She 
died  immediately  after.  On  the  20th  Fr.  Garces 
reached  the  Gila,  where  the  Indians  of  the  rancheria 
of  Pitac  received  him  with  much  pleasure.  There  he 
baptized  the  children  tliat  were  in  imminent  danger 
of  death.  On  the  21st  tlie  apostolic  traveller  reached 
a  village  which  he  had  seen  on  his  trip  two  years 
before.  It  was  necessary  to  baptize  22  children,  after 
which  he  experienced  some  difficulty  of  getting  away, 
as  the  Indians  wanted  to  detain  him  by  force  in 
order  to  hear  him  speak  on  the  mysteries  of  reli- 
gion. He  crossed  the  river,  and  on  the  22d  said 
Mass  at  a  large  rancheria  called  Napeut,  where  he 
also  baptized  two  persons  seriously  sick.  The  Indians 
informed  him  that  the  Opas,  a  tribe  that  spoke  the 
language  of  the  Yuma  and  Oocomaricopa  Indians, 
inhabited  a   territory  adjoining    their  own. 

Accordingly,  Fr.  Garces,  accompanied  by  a  Gila  In- 
dian who  carried  a  little  pinole  and  jerked  beef,  set 
out  for  tlieir  country.  Passing  by  the  village  of  Suta- 
quison,  down  the  river,  on  the  23d  he  reached  a  sali- 
na,  and  proceeding  northwest  at  night  time  came  up- 
on the  Opas.  As  the  Father  was  already  somewhat 
versed  in  the  Pima  tongue,  he  gave  the  Indians  an 
instruction  in  that  language,  which  was  understood  by 
a  number  of  the  older  men  and  the  Pimas  that  hap- 
pened to  be  present.  These  Indians  had  never  seen  a 
missionary,  nor  even  any  white  men,  and  were  there- 
fore full  of  wonder  particularly  at  his  singular  garb. 
They  asked  him  whether  he  was  a  man  or  a  woman, 
whether    he    was    married,     and  similar    impertinent 


•  ,. 


'  ■}  % 


'4 


FR.      GARCES     AMONG     THE     TULES      OF     ARIZONA. 


—  -H)  — 

things  indicative  of  their  rudeness,  ("y  otras  imper- 
tinencias  iguales  a  su  rudeza").  On  account  of  Mis- 
sion San  Xavier,  which  he  luul  left  Avithout  a  priest, 
Fr.  Garces  did  not  proceed  farther,  but  turning 
south  arrived  at  a  rancheria  where  he  Avas  told  that 
white  men  from  Moqui  had  visited  one  of  the  In- 
dian villages.  On  the  28th  he  travelled  past  several 
rancherias  and  cultivated  fields,  and  in  the  house  of 
a  Pima  from  Sutaquison  he  met  six  Indians  from  the 
Colorado. 

Having  baptized  a  child  that  was  in  n  dying  con- 
dition, the  missionary  turned  towards  the  east,  and, 
after  wandering  three  days,  during  which  he  was 
told  that  the  greater  part  of  the  children  and  also 
the  woman  he  had  baptized  on  his  way  out  were 
dead,  he  at  last  again  reached  8an  Xavier  del  Bac. 
Fr.  Garces  concluded  that  he  must  have  travelled  a- 
bout  ninety  leagues  since  leaving  his  mission  on  the 
eighteenth  of  October. 

In  his  diary  of  this  trip  the  Father  says  "the  In- 
dians were  everywhere  agreeably  surprised  to  find 
that  the  missionary  travelled  alone,  and  that  he 
sought  nothing  but  their  souls,  in  order  to  preach  to 
them  about  heaven  and  hell,  and  explain  who  God 
is,  of  which  truths  they  were  whollj'  ignorant;  for 
although  they  had  some  notion  of  a  supreme  power, 
and  some  claimed  they  invoked  it  when  they  planted 
their  corn  and  when  they  were  sick,  Fr.  Garces  dis- 
covered, after  investigating  the  matter  thoroughly, 
that  what  they  looked  upon  as  gods  was  with  some 
Indians  the  sun,  and  with  others  only  the  moon ; 
and  this  was  the  case  even  among  those  tribes  that 
dwelt  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  missions.*' 

The  immediate  result  of  Fr.  Garces'  travels  was 
that  a  large  number  of  Papago  Indians  came  to  join 
the  mission ;  but  when  they  found  that  many  of  the 
mission  Indians  died,  and  that  others  suifered  severe- 
ly from  chills  and  fevers,  they  ceased   to  show  them- 


-  5(1  — 

selves.  The  good  Fatlier  then  piojtosed  tlse  fuuiidiiig 
of  missions  on  the  River  Gila,  whither  the  Indians 
would  be  less  nnwilling  to  go.  For  the  information  of 
the  Fr.  Guardian  and  the  college  discretory  Fr.  Gar- 
res  wrote  a  long  diary  about  this  whole  missionary 
tour.  Fr.  President  Mariano  considered  its  contents 
so  important  that  he  deprived  himself  of  his  own  as- 
sistant, Fr.  Joseph  del  Eio,  and  ordered  him  to  take 
the  manuscript  to  Queretaro.  The  college,  energetic- 
ally seconded  by  Don  Galvez,  at  once  urged  the  mat- 
ter l)ef()re  the  court  of  Mexico.  Tlie  royal  court  at 
Madrid,  however,  had  to  give  the  linal  order  for  es- 
tablishing new  missions;  and  as  tlie  royal  fiscal  was 
opposed  to  such  expenditures  at  that  time,  nothing 
came  of  the  plan  so  dear  to  the  heart  of  the  mission- 
ary at  San  Xavier  del  Bac.  Fr.  Joseph  del  Kio  had 
meanwhih'  been  sent  back  to  Sonora  together  with 
live  new  religious,  who  were;  to  hold  themselves  read- 
y  to  proceed  north  as  soon  as  the  king  should  decree 
the  iounding  of  missions  on  the  Gila  Kiver :  so  confi- 
dent wore  all  that  the  petition  would  be  granted. 
Before  these  missionaries  arrived  in  the  Pimerias,  in- 
formation reached  the  Fathers  that  no  new  missions 
were  to  ])e  established  at  that  time;  still  they  felt  so 
certain  of  an  ultimate  favorable  decree  that  Fr.  Pres- 
ident Mariano  allowed  Fr.  Garces  to  make  another 
trip  of  exploration  to  the  region  north,  with  a  view 
of  obtaining  further  information  about  the  Indians 
and  suitable  mission  sites. 

Fr.  Garces  deemed  it  advisable  to  travel  without 
military  escort,  as  he  was  accustomed  to  do,  notwith- 
standing the  objections  of  the  soldiers  who  prophe- 
sied all  manner  of  dangers  from  the  Indians,  from 
hunger,  and  thirst,  and  other  hardships,  especially 
from  the  Yumas  whose  language  he  did  not  speak. 
The  experienced  missionary,  however,  knew  better 
than  to  excite  the  suspicions  of  the  natives,  not  to 
speak  of  the  necessities  of  the  soldiery   on    the   route 


-  .■)!  - 

for  whose  w.ints  ]u*  would  Iiiivc  to  ]»rovi(le.  For  tlie 
rest  lie  relied  upon  Divine  J'rovidence;  this  left  him 
iinhanii)ered.  As  to  the  Ynnias,  Fr.  (iarces  declared 
they  were  docile,  and  l)esides  Imdly  e(iui])i)e(l  with 
weapons,  many  not  even  havinji'  l)ows,  or  if  so,  they 
were  m  a  bad  condition,  and  with  only  two  or  three 
arrows.  In  his  travels,  Fr.  F'rancisco  invariably  found 
them  very  ali'ectionate  and  hospitable,  for  they  pro- 
vided him  witli  everything-  in  the  way  of  food,  so 
that  it  was  easier  to  pass  througli  their  country  than 
through  the  territory  of  other  tribes  along  the  river 
farther  north.  ''Only  one  awkward  thing,"  says  lie, 
''happened  to  me  among  them.  In  all  i^laces,  and  not 
only  once,  they  oii'ered  me  women  etc;  but  1,  fix- 
ing my  eyes  on  the  crucifix  which  1  wore  on  my 
breast,  and  raising  it  np  towards  heaven,  gave  them 
to  understand  that  in  that  particular  I  did  not  live 
as  they  did.  On  this  account  they  shoAved  me  much 
affection,  and  obtained  a  higher  idea  al)out  a  mattei' 
which  to  them  appeared  strange."   (2) 

As  it  Avas  not  possible  to  obtain  an  interpreter 
who  could  s[)eak  the  various  dialects  along  the  road 
he  intended  to  travel,  Fr.  Garces  had  to  ])e  contented 
with  the  company  of  a  Papago  Indian  and  a  horse 
which  carried  the  things  necessary  for  celebrating 
Holy  Mass.  Leaving  San  Xavier  del  Bac  on  the  8th 
of  August,  1771,  he  travelled  towards  the  west,  and 
visited  many  rancherias  in  whicli  he  preached,  said 
Mass,  and  baptized  those  that  were  in  grave  danger 
of  death.  Thus  on  the  J  1th  he  found  in  one  of  the 
rancherias  a  very    old   woman    who    appeared  to  have 

(2)  "Solo  una  cosa  ridicula  me  sucodio  eutre  ellos,  a  Jiias  de  los  hayles  c.up 
son  al  compAs  niuy  violento,  que  haceu  con  un  Kuagj  con  pipdrecillas!,  v 
canto  muy  ayros-o,  que  en  todas  partes,  y  no  una  vez,  iiip  i>onian  niuRereM 
delant^?,  con  sefias  de  (lue  fuese  con  ellas,  y  hubo  veco.s  que  pllas  niismas 
me  preguntaban  con  accioucs  muy  feas,  si  yo  no  comerciaba  con  las  niii- 
jjerea  corao  sus  hombros.  Y  ponieudo  yo  la  vista  en  el  Santo  Christo  que 
llevaba  al  pecho,  y  levautandolo  al  cielo,  les  signiflcaba  que  en  ese  parti- 
cular no  vivia  yo  conio  olios,  de  lo  que  resultaba  Iiaceriu«  mas  canfto,  y 
mas  concepto  de  una  cosa  que  para  ellos  era  muy  particular."  'Arricivita, 
4JS-419. 


—  52  — 

passed  the  age  of  one  liiindred  years.  He  instructed 
and  then  baptized  lier.  The  Father  was  much  grati- 
tied  on  the  next  day  for  being  able  to  baptize  two 
sick  adults  and  some   children  at  the  x)ueblo  of  Ati. 

(in  the  loth  our  traveller  saw  the  pueblo  of  Cubac 
Avhere  he  was  received  by  a  vast  multitude  of  people 
Avho  entertained  him  hospitably.  On  the  following 
day  after  Mass,  at  Avhich  all  these  Indians  and  many 
rimas  assisted,  Fr.  Garces  preached  through  an  in- 
terpreter. Among  other  things  he  tried  to  persuade 
them  to  live  in  peace  with  other  Indian  tribes,  and 
to  cause  no  injury  to  any  one;  but  the  interpreter, 
who  supposed  the  missionary  would  not  notice  the 
l)erversiot),  to  please  his  people,  said  the  Cocomarico- 
pas  were  a  l)ad  set,  with  whom  they  might  carry  on 
war,  but  tlnit  the  Vumas  had  a  good  heart;  with 
them  it  was  riglit  to  trade.  The  Father,  however,  did 
notice  the  trick.  In  relating  the  story  he  writes:  "I 
dared  not  show  any  anger,  and  at  the  same  time  I 
could  scarcely  refrain  from  laughing,  when  I  found  I 
had  to  si)eak  for  myself,  though  with  difficulty  only 
]>y  means  of  signs  and  tigures.  I  became  convinced, 
liowever,  that  as  long  as  the  Indians  do  not  under- 
stand each  otlier,  nor  understand  the  missionary,  he 
is  as  good  as  sold,  and  exposed  to  thousand  decep- 
tions.*'' 

On  the  l(5th  Fr.  Garces  spoke  with  the  chief  of 
Sonoi  (Sonoita?),  and  announced  his  intention  of  go- 
ing to  the  Yumas.  After  giving  his  usual  catechetical 
instructions  in  the  evening,  he  asked  for  two  guides, 
])ut  it  was  difficult  to  obtain  them.  He,  nevertheless, 
persisted  in  his  determination.  Starting  out  the  next 
morning  he  reached  a  rancheria  beyond  which  the 
guides  refused  to  go,  claiming  that  no  water  was  to 
lie  found.  The  Father  was  determined,  however,  and 
they  reluctantly  followed  him  westward  until  they 
readied  what  had  once  been  a  calabazas  field,  but 
then   abandoned   for   want   of   water.    In   this  distress 


oo 


the  party  continued  their  course  ah)n,i:'  the  sierra,  or 
volcano  of  Santa  CUara,  and  wide  sand  i)lains  until 
they  arrived  at  the  Kio  Gila  on  the  22d.  A  branch 
river  was  soon  discovered  which  P'r.  Garce-  supposed 
to  be  the  l\io  Azul.  He  travelled  all  day  when,  just 
before  sunset,  he  and  his  companions  were  seen  by 
some  Nora^-ua  Indians  who  lived  on  tlie  other  Icmk  of 
the  river.  They  treated  him  kindly  and  invited  him 
to  their  village  for  the  night;  but  the  I'ima  guides 
were  anxious  to  reach  their  own  people,  and  tiiere- 
fore  told  the  Father  that  these  Indians  were  not 
good,  and  that  they  Avould  steal  what  they  coifld  if 
he  remained  with  them. 

On  the  23d  many  from  the  other  side  of  the  river 
came  over  to  see  the  Father,  as  did  also  a  number 
from  below  the  river,  and  with  them  the  chief  of 
the  Piman  who  brought  the  wearied  traveller  a  dish 
of  corn.  The  chief  ottered  to  accompany  him  until  he 
returned;  but  when  the  Indian  heard  that  the  mis- 
sionary intended  to  go  to  the  ('olorado  Kiver,  he  and 
his  followers  declined  to  guide  him,  and  moreover 
did  all  they  could  to  dissuade  the  Father  from  tik- 
ing  that  course  as  the  distance  was  too  great.  The 
reason  was,  however,  they  were  not  at  peace  with 
the  Qiiiquimas  who  infested  the  roads.  Dances  and 
songs  continued  throughout  the  night  until  daybreak. 
This  was  done  to  divert  the  Father  from  his  purjxjse. 
After  waiting  two  days  Fr.  Garces  attem])ted  to  iind 
the  Colorado  alone,  ))ecause  the  guides  refused  to  ac- 
company him.  Proceeding  westward  until  it  was  too 
dark  to  travel,  he  reached  a  hut  in  which  he  passed 
the  niglit.  Some  young  men  next  day  put  the  mis- 
sionary on  the  road  toward  the  Yuma  country,  but 
would  not  venture  to  proceed  farther.  After  wander- 
ing about  all  day,  hunger,  thirst,  mosquitoes,  and  the 
loss  of  his  cloak  compelled  the  weary  traveller  and 
his  horse  to  return  to  the  last  rancheria.  The  Indians 
were  delighted  to  see  him  come  back,  and  they  again 


—  54  — 

tried  to  persuade  him  not  to  look  for  tlie  Yumas ; 
but  the  Father  was  iutlexible.  He  now  marched  for 
iwo  days  in  a  uortiiwesterly  direction,  but  on  the 
80th  liis  faithful  anin)al  twice  sank  so  deep  into  the 
mire  that  he  iiave  it  up  for  h)st.  His  heli)le8s  misery 
once  more  made  liim  take  refuge  at  the  raucheria. 

Indescril)able  ^\tls  the  joy  with  which  the  Indian 
friends  weh'omed  the  Fatlier.  Tliey  resolved  tliat  lie 
should  not  auain  ))e  allowed  to  proceed  west,  because 
the  Yumas  were  their  enemies;  but  Fr.  Garces  could 
not  be  shaken  in  his  resolution,  so  after  many  warm 
disputes  they  at  last  i;ave  him  another  guide.  After 
baptizing  an  adult  and  a  child  that  Avere  in  a  dy- 
ing- condition,  he  set  out  on  SeptemV)er  eighth,  this 
time  provided  with  some  victuals.  The  Indian  pur- 
l)osely  broke  the  water-jug  after  a  while,  and  then 
declared  he  could  not  go  farther  without  it.  Though 
Fr.  Clarces  replied  it  was  not  needed,  as  they  were 
travelling  along  the  river,  the  guide,  about  noon, 
took  one  of  the  horses  and  rode  back.  The  intrepid 
missionary  now  went  on  alone  for  two  days,  when 
he  discovered  the  footsteps  of  some  boys  that  led  to 
an  .Indian  camp,  which  was  as  usual  hidden  away  in 
the  jungles  among  the  lagoons  of  the  river.  Great 
was  the  amazement  of  the  savages  at  seeing  the  Fa- 
ther alone,  and  equally  demonstrative  was  the  res- 
pect they  showed  him  while  he  was  with  them.  Leav- 
ing these  people,  the  tireless  wanderer  passed  from 
ranch  tt)  ranch  as  far  as  the  river.  On  the  12th  he 
came  to  some  ranches  whose  inhabitants  had  lately 
sulfered  a  cruel  attack  from  their  enemies,  the  Qui- 
({uimas,  in  consequence  of  which  many  of  their  war- 
riors were  wounded,  and  many  huts  destroyed.  The 
Father  fearlessly  proceeded  on  his  way  until  night 
overtook  him,  Avhen  he  slept  near  the  river.  On  the 
next  <lay  he  discovered  a  trail,  and  on  the  other 
l>ank  some  smoke  arising.  As  he  could  not  cross  the 
stream,   Fr.    Garces  followed    its  course   downward    to 


the  wost,  almost  to  its  junction  with  the  Coh)rMdo, 
whicli  the  hiaoons  and  tules  prevented  him  from 
reaching  at  that  time.  P'indinjr  further  attempts  in 
that  direetio/i  useless,    he  turned  to  tlie  south. 

On  the  14th  Fr.  Francisco  ])assed  a  beautiful  i)lain 
and  came  to  some  pools  of  very  salty  water.  iS'ot  be- 
ing able  to  penetrate  to  the  river  on  account  of  the 
lagunas,  he  turned  somewhat  towards  the  east  to 
look  for  fresh  water;  but  he  found  only  the  skeletons 
of  Indians  and  the  signs  of  war.  (V)nvinced  at  last 
that  there  was  neither  Avater,  nor  grass,  nor  seeds  to 
be  found  in  that  region,  he  went  north  after  travel- 
ling the  greater  part  of  the  night.  Towards  dawn  he 
tried  to  rest  awhile,  and  therefore  allowed  his  iiorse 
to  graze  at  Avill.  When  he  awoke  the  animal  was 
gone.  After  some  doubt  as  to  what  direction  to  take, 
lie. decided  to  proceed  west,  and  thus  came  out  at  a 
river  which  seemed  smaller  than  the  Colorado,  and 
larger  th.an  the  Oiila.  Of  course  it  must  have  l)een 
one  or  the  otiier.  He  Avas  at  a  loss  what  to  do,  as 
nothing  eatal)le  could  be  found  along  the  shore,  for 
it  only  produced  a  weed  that  looked  very  much  lik(> 
hemp.  In  this  extremity  the  weary  traveller  conclud- 
ed to  turn  back.  With  no  hope  of  recovering  the 
horse,  he  wandered  among  the  tule  jungles  and  la- 
gunas all  day  of  the  15th  until  nightfall,  when  he 
was  made  happy  by  the  appearance  of  the  faithful 
animal  which  had  followed  his  tracks  thrinigh  the 
labyrinth  of  tulares  and  marshes. 

On  the  16th  Fr.  Garces  thought  he  could  reach  the 
mouth  of  the  river  and  lind  the  Quiquimas  by  going 
directly  south.  He  accordingly  took  that  course,  and 
after  marching  two  leagues  came  U)  a  melon  [)atch. 
While  refreshing  himself,  fourteen  armed  Indians  ap- 
peared who  were  amazed  at  seeing  the  strange  man. 
By  means  of  signs  they  inquired  whence  he  came 
and  whither  he  was  going.  They  gave  him  to  under- 
stand   that    the    Quiquimas   were    their    enemies,    and 


that  ii'  lie  would  iio  along  they  would  give  him  to 
eat,  and  at  once  offered  him  some  lish.  Soon  after 
he  came  with  them  to  a  party  of  thirty  Yuma  In- 
dians who  were  fishing.  He  eat  with  them,  'and,'  he 
says,  'among  those  savages  one  could  learn  what  hu- 
manity, politeness,  and  attention  is,  from  the  pleas- 
ure with  which  they  led  me  to  their  settlement,  and 
from  the  work  and  pains  they  took  to  prepare  two 
commodious  rafts  to  pass  me  over  the  stream.'  As 
soon  as  the  village  was  reached  they  gave  expression 
to  their  esteem  for  him  by  dances,  songs,  and  visits, 
in  consequence  of  which  he  could  not  sleep;  for  they 
did  not  cease  until  near  daybreak. 

On  the  ITth  Fr.  Garces  proceeded  on  his  way  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  but  could  persuade  only  one 
old  Indian  to  accompany  him.  In  one  rancheria  he 
found  a  very  sick  child  which  he  baptized.  When  the 
Indians  saw  this,  they  at  once  produced  another  that 
the  Father  might  perform  the  same  ceremony  over 
it.  The  old  Indian  soon  refused  to  follow  the  mis- 
sionary onward;  so  that  he  had  to  continue  alone.  On 
tlie  next  day  he  found  liimself  so  entirely  lost  amid 
tulares,  mud  holes,  and  lagunas  that  he  feared  he 
should  not  be  able  to  extricate  himself.  Nor  could  his 
horse  overcome  the  difficulties.  In  this  affliction  poor 
Fr.  Garces  passed  the  night;  and  when  on  the  follow- 
ing day  he  discovered  even  greater  obstacles  he  made 
his  way  back  to  the  Yuma  camps,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  shouts  of  joy.  Some  Indians  promised  to 
guide  him  after  a  few  days;  but  as  usual  they  were 
unreliable.  Finding  himself  on  the  other  (3)  bank  of 
the  river,  the  explorer  thought  it  rather  hard  to  re- 
turn without  seeing  all  that  could  be  of  interest, 
and  therefore  moved   onward   with  some  Indians  who 

(:))  It  is  impossible,  from  the  narrative  as  given  by  Arricivita,  to  trace  Fr. 
Oarc(?s'  route,  or  to  state  at  what  river,  or  on  what  side  of  the  river  the 
traveller  appeared  on  the  various  dates;  nor  is  it  possible  here  to  deter- 
uiine  whether  or  not  Fr.  Garces  crossed  the  Colorado  River. 


happened  to  be  in  camp  from  some  raiu-lieria  farthei* 
west;  in  their  company  he  passed  a  higiina  on  the 
20tli.  He  also  passed  msLuy  ranches  and  after  sunset 
entered  one  of  them  for  the  night.  A  great  crowd 
had  assembled,  when  he  gave  liis  usual  instructions 
on  God  and  the  Divine  mysteries. 

On  the  whole  of  the  21st  lie  travelled  west,  always 
through  well-peopled  ranches,  to  a  laguna  many 
leagues  in  length.  As  he  insisted  on  crossing  it,  the 
Indians  made  balsas  or  rafts  for  that  purpose.  When 
he  came  upon  another  large  body  of  water,  he  wished 
to  cross  in  the  same  manner,  but  the  savages,  de- 
claring that  the  water  was  too  deep  and  swift,  re- 
fused to  assist  him.  Fr.  Garces  thought  the  stream 
was  the  Colorado.  An  Indian  presented  the  hungry 
wanderer  with  a  goose,  but  as  there  was  no  means  of 
preparing  the  tlesh  for  want  fuel  to  start  a  fire,  he 
returned  to  the  rancheria  where  he  received  food  in 
abundance.  Then,  following  the  current  of  the  large 
laguna  on  the  22d,  he  came  upon  many  rancherias, 
where  he  was  agreeably  surprised  to  hear  the  sweet 
names  of  Jesus  and  Mary  pronounced  by  the  natives. 
Some  uttered  the  names  correctly,  others  with  much 
reverence  would  say  Mensus  and  Marria,  whilst  near- 
ly all  added  A.zan  to  Jesus,  which  word  in  their  lan- 
guage signified  something  celestial- 

In  the  afternoon  the  Father  travelled  two  leagues 
and  a  half  through  an  uniniial)it^d  region,  and  then 
through  a  well-settled  district.  Indians  from  the  oth- 
er side  of  the  river  came  to  see  him  there.  By  about 
five  o'clock  he  reached  a  number  of  very  poor  ranch- 
es. On  the  23d  the  guides  refused  to  go  farther  west 
for  fear  of  their  enemies,  so  the  Father  started  out 
alone.  When  they  saw  him  so  inflexible,  they  at  last 
put  him  on  the  right  road ;  but  nothing  could  induce 
them  to  go  along.  Moving  from  north  to  west,  he 
discovered  a  dry  lagoon;  and,  while  x>assing  a  thick 
growth   of  mezquit  along  a    sierra,    he    also  found     a 


—  Ob  — 

pool  of  fresh  water;  and  proceeding  thence  through 
land  that  contained  nnich  alkali  he  came  to  a  dry 
stream  (arroyo),  where  he  passed  the  night.  Follow- 
ing the  bent  of  his  mind  on  the  24th  he  travelled 
between  east  and  north;  and  though  he  saw  much 
smoke,  he  could  not  make  the  horse  go  on  for  fear 
of  sinking  into  some  of  the  salty  lagunas.  Discover- 
ing more  smoke  in  the  east,  he  turned  in  tliat  di- 
rection where  he  found  some  Indians  who  welcomed 
him  with  much  joy,  and  as  usual  honored  him  with 
dances  and  other  marks  of  esteem.  He  diad  the  con- 
solation, also,  of  baptizing  a  very  sick  child.  On  the 
following  day  the  Indians  insisted  that  he  give  up 
the  plan  of  going  to  the  west;  but  he  remained  im- 
movable. After  passing  a  large  pueblo,  he  came  to 
the  previous  arroyo,  where  the  Indians  left  him  on 
the  20th    for  fear  of  those  beyond. 

Fr.  Garces  then  travelled  alone  all  day  through  a 
sandy  desert,  meeting  Avith  none  but  salty  water  any- 
where. He  hoped  to  reach  the  Colorado,  and  there- 
fore continued  on  his  way  even  after  nightfall ;  but 
v<hen  instead  of  the  river  he  only  found  a  sierra, 
hunger  and  thirst  forced  him  to  take  refuge  Avith 
the  friendly  people  of  the  village  at  which  he  had 
stopped  last.  When  tlie  Indians  found  the  exhausted 
Father  at  the  well  outside  the  rancheria,  they  oti'ered 
him  what  food  they  had.  On  this  occasion  he  ob- 
tained some  news  ^rom  them  concerning  the  mis- 
sionaries in  California  and  New  Mexico.  At  the 
same  time  a  very  sick  child  was  brought  which  he 
baptized;  a  number  of  other  children  were  also  of- 
fered for  the  same  purpose,  but  upon  these  the  same 
l)lesssing  could  not  be  bestowed,  because  they  were 
in  sound  health. 

Fr.  Garces  sulfered  somewhat  from  cold  weather 
after  marching  northwest  all  day  of:the  28th  and  suc- 
ceeding night,  and  resting  only  an  liour  and  a  half; 
but  on    the   mornini:    of   the  '29th    he   saw    the   Sierra 


Madre,  and  what  appeared  to  l)e  the  opening:-  or  pass 
through  whicli  the  Oohjrado  entered  the  sea.  He  trav- 
elled about  two  leagues  towards  the  east  in  quest  of 
fresh  water,  but  was  disappointed  and  conipelled  to 
return  once  more  to  the  well,  reaching  it  on  the 
morning  of  the  29th  of  Sept.  Tliere  he  was  told  that 
some  Pimas  were  waiting  for  him,  and  urging  iiis 
return  lest  they  should  be  blamed  if  any  misfortune 
befell  him.  The  Pimas  bordering  on  the  Yuma  coun- 
try also  advised  them  to  hurry  the  Father  home,  for 
fear  of  being  attacked  by  the  soldiers  and  Papagos. 
The  missionary  would  not  hear  of  this,  and,  on  prom- 
ising to  return  to  their  village,  they  gave  him  a 
guide  who  was  to  direct  him  to  a  tribe  called  Ma- 
cueyues.  He  set  out  on  the  2d  of  October,  and  was 
soon  joined  by  two  other  Indians;  but  after  a  march 
of  half  a  day  they  showed  signs  of  fear,  and  insist- 
ed that  he  return,  to  which  demand  he  tinally  yield- 
ed with  utmost  disgust. 

Great  numbers  t»f  peo])le  now  tlocked  together  at 
the  settlement  from  the  east  and  the  west,  an<l 
even  from  the  south,  for  the  purpose  of  seeing  the 
Father  and  the  things  he  carried  with  him,  which 
were  little  more  than  his  breviary,  his  crucifix, 
and  the  picture  of  the  Blessed  Virgin.  They  gazed 
at  these  in  wonder,  as  also  at  the  bridle  of  the 
horse,  liis  compass,  and  other  trifles.  Fr.  Garces  had 
already  mounted  his  horse  on  the  8d,  but  no  one  was 
willing  to  guide  him,  neitlier  to  the  Avest  nor  to  the 
other  side  of  the  river  south,  in  whicii  direction  he 
found  it  necessary  to  go.  After  suli'ering  their  in- 
terminable disputes  for  a  time,  he  started  (mt  with 
a  few  men  and  went  through  a  very  line  country, 
and  then  moved  towards  the  north  until  night  which 
he  passed  in  camp  on  the  road. 

On  the  4th  of  October  he  was  cautiously  led 
through  a  forest  or  thicket,  in  order  not  to  be  sur- 
prised by  hostile  Indians,    and  then  deserted  for  fear 


^  0(3  ^ 

fo  tlieni.  He  proceeded  alone  iiortlnvard  and  liappily 
found  a  well.  On  the  6th  he  made  his  way  through 
sandy  soil  which  proved  very  tiresome  to  his  horse ; 
and  as  he  found  neither  fresh  water  nor  pasture  for 
the  poor  beast,  he  turned  east  to  lind  the  Gila,  going 
all  day  of  the  7th.  On  the  8th  he  arrived  at  some 
ranches  and  discovered  that  he  was  near  the  Yumas 
who  exjjected  him.  After  baptizing  a  little  girl  that 
was  at  the  point  of  death,  he  determined  to  proceed 
up  the  river.  Thus  two  days  later  Fr.  Garces  came  to 
the  spot  Avhere  the  Oocomaricopas,  Opas,  and  Gile- 
nos  had  fought  against  the  Yumas,  of  whom  eleven 
had  been  killed.  On  tlie  11th  he  arrived  at  the  camp 
of  the  Yumas  where  the  mourning  ceremonies  were 
in  progress.  More  than  six  hundred  Indians  were  par- 
ticipating divided  into  three  groups.  About  200  were 
weeping,  200  were  playing,  and  200  were  moving  a- 
l)Out.  Fr.  Garces  entered  the  place  of  mourning.  He 
sympathized  with  them,  Init  through  an  old  Pima  In- 
dian censured  them  severely  for  always  carrying  on 
war  with  the  other  tribes.  He  showed  them  that  it 
was  the  plan  of  the  devil  that  they  should  destroy 
one  another,  but  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power 
to  get  Fathers  to  teach  them  Christianity,  that  there 
might  be  peace  among  all  Indian  tribes.  The  savages 
ciuietly  listened  to  the  reproof  and  then  continued 
their  wailing,  groaning,  sobbing,  dancing,  and  cliant- 
ing.  He  Avas  now  told  by  the  Pimas  that  soldiers 
were  looking  for  him,  as  they  had  letters  from  the 
captain  and  the  Fathers  addressed  to  him. 

On  the  October  12th  the  Yumas  concluded  their 
funeral  ceremonies  by  setting  fire  to  the  hut  of 
weeping,  (4)  which  had  been  constructed  of  brush- 
wood, and  then  offered  to  guide  Fr.  Garces  to  the  In- 
dians of  Cujant  or  to  the  Zunigas  in  four  days.  He 
chose  the  former  road  to   Sonoaitac.  Turning  back  he 

(4)    The    Yumas   to    this  day  burn  the  bodies  of  their  dead  and  everything 
that  belonged  to  tliem. 


—  ()J  — 

on  the  18tli  recrossed  the  River  Gih\;  but  soon  a 
dispute  cirose  between  tlie  Pinias  and  the  Yumas  as 
to  wlio  should  direct  the  missionary.  Fr.  Garces  fin- 
ally settled  the  matter  by  declaring  that,  as  he  loved 
both  tribes  e(iually  well,  a  few  of  each  band  might 
go  along.  Thus  he  was  able  to  start  homeward  on  the 
15th,  and  to  reach  Caborca  by  the  usual  road.  In  his 
diary,  under  date  of  October  27tli,  the  famous  tra- 
veller makes  the  remark  that  he  was  ailing  when 
he  began  his  laborious  journey,  but  that  at  the  end 
he  found  himself  in  the  best  of  health.  He  had  been 
absent  from  iSan  Xavier  two  months  and  25  days.  (5) 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Fb.  Bcexa  Resigns— His  Death  And  Biogkaphy— The  Misbioxaeies 
Slandehed  By  The  Qovehnor— Fe.  Gil  De  Bernave  Made  President- 
Founding  Of  The  Misstons  Among  The  Seri  And  The  Ttblrones— In- 
niTFERENCE  OF  The  Indtans—Mukder  Of  Fr.  Gil—His  Burial -Biooea- 
PHY— The  Queeetaeanos  Leave  Texas— Fr.  Antonio  Reyes's  Report 
On  The  State  Of  The  Missions  In  17'J. 


While  Fr.  Francisco  Garces  was  exploring  the  re- 
gions of  the  Gila  and  Colorado  rivers,  important  e- 
vents  occurred  in  the  southern  part  of  the  Pimeria 
Alta  missions.  Fr.  Mariano  had  repeatedly  asked  to 
be  relieved  of  the  office  of  president  of  the  missions, 
on  the  ground  that  his  bodily  infirmities  made  it  im- 
I)ossible  for  him  to  visit  the  missions  even  on  horse- 
back. His  request  was  at  last  granted  in  1771,  and  he 
retired  to  one  of  the  missions,  where  owing  to  the 
hardships  he  had  endured  he  sank  into  a  premature 
grave  in  the  following  year.   (1) 


(5)    Arricivita,  Ceonica  Serafica,  415-42S.  (1)    Arricivita,   418.   Fr. 

Miiriano    de     Bucna     y    Alcalde    was    the   first    among   the    missionaries 


—  6-2   -- 

Bel'ore  the  rebel  Sei'i  in  tlie  nioiiutaius  luul  laid 
down  their  arms  and  submitted  to  Spanish  rule,  and 
while  Don  Galvez  was  still  at  Titic  with  Fr.  Buena, 
the  latter  had  ottered  to  ))e  the  missionary  at  the 
mission  which  Ualvez  contemplated  foundinii'  amoni; 
those  savaiies.  Nothinii  came  of  the  plan,  as  we  have 
seen,  owing  to  the  stul)bornness  of  the  Seri.  AVhen 
later  on  they  had  settled  down,  the  governor  request- 
ed the  Fr.  President  to  send  a  priest  among  them. 
Instead  of  imposing  this  difficult  work  upon  another, 
Fr.  Buena  again  declared  himself  ready  to  go  on  con- 
dition that  a  church  building  and  dwelling  })e  erect- 
ed and  furnished  with  the  necessary  outfit,  and  that 
some  arrangements  ])q  made  for  the  maintenance  of 
the  missionary.  The  (jovernor  in  reply  stated  that  he 
had  no  authority  to  supply  these  things,  and  that  he 

sent  to  the  Pimerias  from  tho  C'ollpRe  of  Qupretaro  to  lay  dowu  his  life 
for  tlip  conversion  of  the  Indians  in  that  leerion.  He  was  born  in  Mexico 
in  March  1717,  ami  in  baptism  received  flie  name  Antonio  Joseph.  His 
parents,  wlio  belonged  to  tlie  liiRlxest  nobility,  were  Don  Antonio  do  Bue- 
na y  Alcalde  and  Dona  Nicolasa  de  Valero  y  Alfaro.  Before  ho  was  four- 
teen years  of  ape  he  entered  tlie  course  of  piiilosoy-hy  in  which  lie  re- 
ceived the  decree  of  bachelor  at  the  university.  To  the  surprise  of  al' 
the  youns  man  renounced  all  brilliant  i)rosj}ects,  and  entered  tiie  mission- 
ary college  of  Santa  Cniz  at  Quer^taro,  receiving  the  habit  on  April  27th, 
}l:U.  In  the  following  year  he  made  liis  jirofessiou  and  received  tlie  name 
Mariano  Jesus  do  San  Josepli,  as  he  desired;  and  thus  he  was  ever  after 
known  by  the  name  Fr.  Mariano  de  Kuena  y  Alcalde. 

After  linishinK  his  theological  studies  at  the  collepe  of  Our  Lady  of 
(luadalupo,  Zacatocas,  he  was  elevated  to  the  priesthood.  Desirous  of 
working  for  the  conversion  of  the  Indians,  he  was  sent  to  the  missions  on 
the  Rio  Grande  del  Norte,  Texas,  where  Mission  San  Juan  Bautista  was 
assigned  him.  Aft<>r  laboring  there  witli  much  zeal  for  many  years,  his 
health  broke  down,  wherefore  he  returned  to  the  solitude  of  the  college, 
and  in  17r)l  lie  was  elected  vicar,  and  at  the  same  time  was  one  of  the 
discretes.  When  his  term  of  office  expired,  he  worked  as  missionary  in 
the  diocese  of  MichoacAn.  In  176'2  He  was  appointed  prefect  apostolic  of 
all  the  western  Indian  missions,  and  confirmed  by  Pope  Benedict  XIV, 
much  against  his  own  wishes.  In  1767  lie  was  made  president  of  the  band 
of  fourteen  religious  destiue<l  for  the  Piraerias.  Though  in  ill  health  he 
set  out  for  that  laborious  field,  and  readied  Guaimas  on  the  ninth  of  May. 
On  reaching  the  missions  he  labored  with  restless  zeal  for  the  conversion 
and  pacification  of  the  various  tribes,  especially  the  treacherous  Seri, 
until  his  health  gave  way.  In  the  following  year,  1772,  on  September  lf>th, 
he  passed  to  his  eternal  reward  while  on  the  mission  at  the  Real  de  San 
Antonio,  at  the  ago  of  ft'>  years,  of  which  he  had  passed  38  in  religion. 
He  was  buried  universally  lamented  at  Mission  de  Ures.  Arricivit.,  .■(5.')-.).'» !, 


—    \)0    — 


should   have  to  reiiiiirc  thciii   Iroiii  aMoxico. 

When  Fr.  Juan  Chrysostonio  (Jil  do  Hernave  was 
appointed  president  of  the  missions  in  Pimeria  Alta, 
he  inherited  the  task  of  founding;  a  mission  Avithout 
any  means  whatever.  Like  liis  predecessor,  however, 
Fr.  Gil  devoted  himself  with  zeal  and  enerjKv  to 
the  welfare  of  the  former  rebels  ;'t  Fitic,  and  en- 
deavored to  satisfy  the  governor  as  well  as  the  In- 
dians who  were  constantly  clamoring;  for  missionar- 
ies. As  no  provisions  had  been  made  by  tiie  authori- 
ties at  Mexico,  he  collected  some  Avax  and  wine  from 
a  few  kindhearted  benefactors,  iu  order  to  be  able 
to  celebrate  the  Holy  Sa<-ritice,  which  was  the  only 
consolation  the  missionaries  enjoyed  in  their  afflic- 
tions. Other  private  parties  furnished  some  assistance 
for  the  support  of  the  Fathers,  and  then  Fr.  (Jil  and 
Fr.  Matias  Gallo  started  out  for  the  rancherias  of 
the  Seri.  They  found  neither  shelter  nor  anything 
else  on  their  arrival;  but  trnsting  to  Divine  I'rovi- 
dence  they  formally  took  possession  of  their  mission 
on  November  nth,  1772.  It  so  happened  that  the 
viceroy  on  the  same  day  notilied  the  Fr.  Guardian 
of  Queretaro  that  a  sinod  or  salary  had  been  grant- 
ed to  the  missionary  of  that  mission,  and  he  more- 
over directed  the  college  to  make  out  a  list  of  the 
sacred  vessels,  vestments,  and  other  things  recpiired 
at  the  new  mission. 

A  considerable  numlier  of  Seri  Indians  now  with- 
drew to  the  island  of  Tiburon.  Pretending  to  be 
most  anxious  to  receive  Christian  instruction,  they 
came  to  the  presidio  of  Horcasitas,  anil  begged  the 
governor  not  to  compel  them  to  leave  the  island,  but 
to  send  a  missionary  to  instruct  and  baptize  them  at 
their  camps.  The  Indians  knew  very  well  that  for 
want  of  water  and  tillable  soil  the  land  was  not  in- 
habitable, but  to  conceal  their  plans  they  asked  that 
they  be  allowed  to  erect  a  pueblo'  on  the  coast. 
Though  the  scarcity  of  timber,  water,  and  arrable  soil 


—  (U  — 

rendered  the  coast  no  more  suitable  than  the  interior 
for  a  mission,  the  governor  decided  that  the  Indians 
should  form  a  settlement  tliere,  and  urged  the  Fr. 
President  to  send  them  a  missionary.  Fr.  Gil  saw 
that  the  mission  could  not  be  made  self-supporting; 
that  the  king  would  forever  have  to  furnish  subsist- 
ence ;  and  that  the  Indians,  under  pretext  of  looking 
for  food,  would  merely  rove  about  to  the  neglect  of 
religious  instructions.  He  therefore  remonstrated  with 
the  governor,  and  remarked  that,  if  those  Indians 
were  really  so  desirous  of  Baptism,  they  could  join 
their  tribe  near  Pitic  where  a  missionary  resided. 
Instead  of  considering  the  objections  of  the  experi- 
enced missionary,  the  governor  reported  to  the  vice- 
roy that  the  Fathers  refused  to  found  a  mission  a- 
mong  the  iSeri,  which  was  a  jjalpable  slander;  for, 
long  before  the  Seris  abandoned  their  haunts  be- 
tween Guaimas  and  Hermosillo,  Fr.  Buena  had  gone 
to  Pitic  for  the  purpose  of  founding  a  mission  among 
them.  Tiie  viceroy  accepted  the  statement  of  his  sub- 
bordinatc,  and  at  once  complained  to  the  Fr.  Guar- 
dian and  his  counsellors  at  Queretaro.  The  college, 
to  avoid  furtlier  annoyance  and  the  repetition  of 
what  they  knew  were  false  charges,  directed  the 
Fr.  President  to  agree  to  the  governor's  demands, 
imprudent  as  they  might  be.  Fr.  Gil  then  proceeded 
in  person  to  Carrizal,  accompanied  only  by  a  little 
boy  who  was  to  serve  at  the  altar,  and  founded  the 
mission  among  the  Tiburones  on  November  26th  1772. 

The  missionary  at  once  erected  a  hut  which  served 
as  a  church,  and  also  constructed  a  s^mall  dwelling  for 
himself  and  the  boy.  With  the  utmost  kindness  he 
invited  the  natives  to  listen  to  the  catechism  ;  but  he 
soon  discovered  that  the  desire  they  had  exhibited  to 
the  governor  of  becoming  Christians  was  not  power- 
ful enough  to  make  them  listen  to  his  instructions. 
Only  a  few  presented  themselves  when  they   pleased. 

The  pueblo  which  the  Indians  had  wanted  and    the 


—  65  — 

governor  ordered  consisted  only  of  tliree  slianties. 
Just  so  pretentious  was  their  desire  to  beccme  Chris- 
tians as  shown  l)y  their  conduct.  Tlie  viceroy  had 
written  to  the  college:  "Name  a  Father  missionary 
in  whom  are  united  the  best  qualities;  for  the  re- 
cently pacilied  Seri  need  a  missionary  who  will  treat 
them  with  much  affection,  and  will  zealously  devote 
himself  to  incline  them  to  cultivate  the  soil  and 
take  up  other  occupations,  so  that  insensibly  he 
will  make  them  learn  the  benefits  of  civil  life  and 
enjoy  the  fruits   of   religious   teaching." 

Though  these  well-meant  directions  might  be  put 
into  practise  among  the  Seri  around  Pitic,  they  were 
useless  at  Carrizal ;  for  the  only  fruit  the  missionary 
could  expect  among  them,  on  account  of  their  mode 
of  living,  was  the  occasional  baptism  of  a  child  or 
adult  whom  he  might  find  at  the  point  of  death.  Yet 
Fr.  Gil  from  his  barren  mission  wrote  to  the  gov- 
ernor, Don  Mateo  Sastre,  he  was  fo  satisfied  that 
all  he  desired  was  to  end  his  life  among  his  Tibii- 
rones.  (3)  The  wish  was  realized  sooner  than  he  ex- 
pected; for  after  three  months  and  nine  days  of 
hard,  but  almost  fruitless  labor,  Fr.  Gil,  on  the  7th 
of  March,  1773,  was  cruelly  put  to  death  with 
stones  and  clubs   by  three  Indians. 

It  is  but  just  to  relate  that  the  tribe  as  a  whole 
was  not  implicated  in  the  murder  for  which  there 
can  be  no  reason  given,  except  that,  as  Arricivita  re- 
marks, it  was  suggested  by  the  devil.  The  chief  of 
the  band  had  the  body  decently  buried  and  the  grave 
marked  with  a  cross.  The  governor  reported  the  death 
of  th?  missionary  to  the  viceroy,  who  in  turn  com- 
municated the  news  in  a  long  sympathetic  letter  to 
the  Fr.  Guardian.  The  viceroy  then  ordered  the  re- 
moval of  the  body  of  the  murdered  priest  for  inter- 
ment to  the  nearest  church,  which  was  at   the   presi- 

(3)     "Quo  estaba  tan  contonto,    que   solo  dcseaba   acabar  ea    compafiii   de 
sus  Tiburones  la  vida,"  Arricivita,  521. 


—  66  — 

dio  de  San  Miguel  at  Horcasitas.  The  governor  and 
curate  of  San  Miguel  accordingly  repaired  to  Carrizal, 
and  found  the  grave  of  the  murdered  missionary  aft- 
er six  months  still  guarded  by  two  Indians.  On  being- 
opened  only  the  skeleton  was  found,  which  how- 
ever sent  forth  no  disagreeable  odor.  The  remains 
were  then  transferred  to  a  casket  and  brought  to 
Horcasitas.  Fr.  Jose  de  C-axa,  who  had  meanwhile 
been  appointed  president,  asked  permission  to  take 
the  body  to  Mission  de  Ures,  in  order  that  even  in 
death  the  missionary  might  not  be  separated  from 
his  brethren.  The  petition  was  granted.  Two  Fathers 
then  transported  the  body  to  the  church  of  the  mis- 
sion, and  Iniried  it  on  the  epistle  side  of  the  main 
altar,  after  the  usual  funeral  ceremonies  had  taken 
l^lace  on  October  7th,  1773,  seven  months  after  the 
murder  occurred.   (5) 

The  necessitv  of  having  two  relii;ious  at   each   mis- 


er)) Fr.  Juan  Clirisostomo  Gil  de  Bornave,  the  first  martyr  among  the 
QuerStaranos  in  Sonora,  was  a  native  of  tlie  Villa  de  Aljambra,  Aragon. 
Of  his  parents  and  early  youth  nothing  is  know.  He  studied  theology  in 
the  monastery  de  Jesus  at  Zaragoza,  and  was  regarded  as  a  most  exem- 
Ijlary  religious.  He  was  ordained  to  the  priesthood  lu  due  time  and  em- 
V^loyod  in  preaching  and  other  missionary  duties.  When  the  Fr.  Commis- 
sary arrived  at  the  convent  to  obtain  volunteers  for  the  missionary  col- 
lege of  Quer^taro,  Fr.  Gil,  then  thirty-four  years  of  ate,  asked  permission 
to  go  to  .Vmorica.  His  request  was  granted.  Leaving  Cadiz,  he  arrived  at 
Quer^taro,  by  way  of  Merida  and  Vera  Cruz,  and  remained  at  the  college 
for  four  years.  In  1767  he  was  one  of  the  fourteen  selected  for  the  mis' 
sions  in  Sonora.  He  reached  mission  Santos  Angeles  de  Guevavi  by  way 
of  Tepic,  Guaimas,  and  Horcasitas  about  June  170^.  There  were  attached 
to  his  mission  the  stations  of  Calabazas,  Sonoytac,  and  TumacJicori, 
twelve,  six,  and  seven  leagues  d'stant  respectively.  The  presidio  of  Tubac 
also  required  his  services.  Not  knowing  the  language  of  the  Indians,  Fr. 
Gil  went  his  rounds  always  accompanied  by  an  interpreter,  who  after  the 
Fatlier's  death  declared  luni  a  saint.  Fr.  Gil  was  accustomed  to  use  the 
discipline  and  wore  on  his  body  a  cilicium,  a-^  th^  interpreter  testified. 
On  the  resignation  of  Fr.  Buena,  Fr.  Gil  was  appointed  president  which 
office  he  had  occupied  barely  two  years  when  lie  was  murdered. 

Of  the  three  criminals  who  had  acknowledged  their  crime,  two  were  at 
once  tried,  found  guilty,  and  executed  by  the  Indian  chief  of  the  isle. 
The  third  one,  Yxquisitis  tlie  chi(>f  conspirator  and  real  perpetrator  of 
the  crime,  attempted  to  escape  by  casting  himself  into  the  sea;  but  on 
being  retaken  he  was  brcmght  before  the  judge  at  the  presidio  and  put 
into  prison,  where  he  died  with  consumption  three  years  later,  after  bav- 
in    been  baptized  by  the  curate  of  the  presidio.  Arricivita,  12()-4:«);  51.5-24. 


—  67  — 

sion,  and  of  providing  for  the  new  establishments  on 
the  Gihi  and  Colorado  rivers,  moved  the  college  of 
Queretaro  to  abandon  the  hospice  or  convent  in  the 
city  of  Pneblo  de  los  Angeles.   ((>) 

For  the  same  reason  .it  was  resolved  to  cede  the 
seven  missions  of  Pimeria  Baja  to  the  Bishop  of  the 
diocese.  The  viceroy,  however,  would  not  consent  to 
this  arrangement  at  the  time.  Permission  was  then 
asked  to  Avithdraw  from  the  missions  in  Texas  and 
Ooahuila,  where  twelve  of  the  Queretaro  Fathers 
were  active  among  the  Indians.  This  was  granted  on 
condition  that  the  Franciscans  of  Guadalajara  and 
Zacatecas  accepted  those  missions.  Thus  it  was  that 
the  transfer  came  about.   (7) 

On  July  6th,  1772,  Fr.  Antonio  Peyes,  one  of  the 
Sonera  missionaries,  but  then  in  the  City  of  Mexico, 
drew  up  a  most  interesting  report  on  the  state  of 
the  missions  in  both  Pimerias.  (8)  From  his  state- 
ment we  learn  that  the  whole  territory  comprising 
Pimeria  Alta  and  Pimeria  Baja  in  ecclesiastical  mat- 
ters was  then  subject  to  the  Bishop  of  Durango. 
Down  to  that  date  three  Bishops  had  visited  parts  of 
this  missionary  district,  and  issued  decrees  of  which 
some  produced  no  little  confusion,  as  we  have  al- 
ready intimated.   (9) 

One  regulation,  which  especially  was  a  source  of 
much  annoyance,  forbade  the  missionaries  to  admin- 
ister the  sacraments  in  their  churches  to  any  but  In- 
dians and  the  guards  that  happened  to  be  stationed 
at  the  mission ;  or  only  by  permission  of  the  curate 
as  the  real  parish  priest.  For  that  reason  the  entire 
province  of  Sonora  was  divided  into  two  curacies. 
The  missions  of   Pimeria   Alta   and   Baja,    a   territory 

(6)    Arricivita,  431-437.  (7)     See  "Franciscans  in  Texas."      (S)     "NoTiciA 

Del  Estado  .Actual  de  las  Missiones  quo  en  la  gubernacion  de  Sonora 
Administran  los  Padres  del  Colegio  de  Propaganda  Fide  de  la  Santa  Cruz 
de  Queretaro,"  por  el  Fray  Antonio  de  los  Reyes.  Vide  "Documentos"  pa- 
ra la  Historia  de  Mexico,"  i)aB.  724-76.').  (9)    See  page  38  this  work. 


—  68  — 

measuring  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues  from  north 
to  south,  and  eighty  leagues  from  east  to  west,  be- 
longed to  tlie  one  curacy  of  San  Miguel  de  Horcasi- 
tas;  whilst  southern  fSonora  was  subject  to  the  curate 
of  Tonibavi.  There  were  no  parish  churches  in  either 
curacy.  All  the  churches  in  the  entire  province  of 
Sonora  belonged  to  the  missionaries.  Only  at  the  pre- 
sidio of  Horcasitas,  where  the  governor  resided,  and 
at  San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta,  Tonibavi,  and  other 
places  were  there  chapels  for  the  governor,  or  miners 
and  traders.  Hence  the  episcopal  decree  worked  no 
little  hardship  and  annoyance  to  the  missionaries,  as 
Fr.  Reyes,  who  himself  later  on  became  Bishop, 
demonstrated  with  some  disgust. 

Despite  tlie  efforts  of  the  devoted  missionaries,  e- 
ven  at  this  period  the  Indians  were  so  ignorant  of 
religious  truths  that  only  Baptism  distinguished  them 
from  the  pagans.  To  remedy  the  evil  the  Fathers 
established  a  uniform  method  in  their  missions,  an 
arrangement  which  had  become  more  feasible  by 
the  arrival  of  several  supernumerary  religious.  This 
method,  which  the  Fathers  had  practised  in  Tex- 
as and  Coahuila,  had  been  proposed  to  Don  Galvez 
by  Fr.  Mariano  Buena,  whilst  the  visitador  General 
was   at  Mission  de  Ures,  and  heartily  approved. 

According  to  Fr.  Reyes  every  morning  at  sunrise 
the  bell  called  the  faithful  to  Holy  Mass,  when  an 
old  Indian,  commonly  known  as  Mador^  and  two 
Hscales^  would  pass  through  the  village  and  order  all 
the  children  and  unmarried  persons  to  the  church  for 
Holy  Mass.  At  its  conclusion  all  recited  the  prayers 
and  the  catechism  together  with  the  missionary  in 
the  Spanish  language.  At  sunset  the  Christian  doc- 
trine and  prayers  would  be  repeated  in  the  little 
court  in  front  of  the  church,  when  the  rosary  would 
be  said,  and  the  whole  concluded  with  the  chanting 
of  the  Salve  Regina  and  the  Glory  be  to  the  Father 
and  to  the  Son,  and  to  the   Holy   Ghost.  On  Sundavs 


—  G9  — 

and  liolydays  the  Mador  and  Hscales  were  odered  to 
see  that  the  men,  women,  and  children,  washed  and 
combed,  and  in  clean  clothes,  attended  Holy  Mass. 
On  these  days  High  Mass  was  sung  by  a  choir  con- 
sisting of  four  or  six  Indian  men  or  women  accom- 
panied with  harps  and  violins. 

In  the  season  of  Lent  all  were  obliged  to  assist  at 
Holy  Mass  daily,  and  recite  the  prayers  in  Spanish, 
when  the  missionary  in  the  Indian  language  would 
explain  the  necessity  and  the  manner  of  a  good  con- 
fession. On  Sunday  evenings  a  plain  instruction 
would  be  given  on  su<di  points  as  death,  judgement, 
purgatory,  hell,  and  heaven.  In  Holy  Week  in  the 
principal  mission  churches  the  ceremonies  and  office 
would  be  performed  as  prescribed,  and  addresses 
made  explaining  those  sacred  functions. 

At  Easter  time  all  had  to  comply  with  the  obliga- 
tions of  the  Church  as  far  as  capable.  At  first  it 
seemed  impossible  to  overcome  the  obtuseness  of  the 
Indians  far  enough  to  prepare  them  for  confession 
and  Holy  Communion ;  but  in  later  years  all  the 
young  people,  and  a  few  of  the  old  ones,  had  ad- 
vanced sufficiently  to  make  their  confession  in  Span- 
ish. In  the  principal  villages,  where  the  missionaries 
resided  permanently,  many  Indian  men  and  w^omen 
frequented  the  Sacraments  at  Easter  and  on  the  prin- 
cipal  holydays. 

On  the  more  solemn  days  of  Our  Lady  there  would 
be  processions  through  the  village,  during  which  the 
rosary  was  chanted. 

As  regards  civil  and  political  affairs,  Fr.  Keyes 
says  that  annually,  in  the  presence  of  the  mission- 
ary, a  chief,  or  mayor,  or  governor,  and  other  officials 
or  alcaldes  were  elected.  In  order  to  enjoy  the  prop- 
er esteem  of  the  rest  of  the  people  these  officials  oc- 
cupied the  place  of  honor  inside  the  church.  The 
missionary  had  charge  of  all  the  temporalities  of  the 
mission  as   directed  by   the   visitador   general,  but   it 


—  70  — 

was  the  duty   of   the   chief   and   ah;aldes   to   see   that 
the  hmd  was  cultivated  and  the  cattle  taken  care  of. 

When  the  season  for  planting  the  corn  and  other 
cereals  arrived,  all  the  Indians  assembled  at  the  lit- 
tle convent,  where  in  the  presence  of  the  chief  or 
justices  the  missionary  distributed  to  each  one  as 
much  seed  as  be  wanted  to  plant.  The  chief  or  alcal- 
des kept  account  of  the  implements  and  yokes  which 
each  one  took  from  the  mission  warehouse,  and  saw 
that  they  were  properly  returned. 

The  Indians,  however,  were  free  to  work  for  them- 
selves or  for  the  mission.  The  former  had  to  look  to 
themselves  for  their  maintenance.  The  fruit  of  the 
labor  of  the  others  was  stored  up  in  the  general 
warehouse,  whence  they  received  food  and  clothing 
for  themselves  and  families.  When  there  were  two 
priests  at  a  mission,  one  of  them  would  oversee  the 
laborers,  and  often  set  an  example  by  taking  a 
hand  in  the  work ;  otherwise  they  would  employ 
some  trustworthy  Mexican  to  represent  them.  The 
sick,  the  orphans,  and  aged,  and  all  others  incapaci-* 
tated  for  manual  labor,  likewise  received  food  and 
clothing  from  the  mission  warehouse.  Tiius  the  mis- 
sionary was  the  central  figure  in  the  whole  system. 
He  was  the  teacher,  the  ijhysician,  the  attorne}',  the 
father  and  defender  of  the  orphans,  widows,  op- 
pressed, and  the  helpless  of  every  description. 

The  churches  and  dwellings  of  the  missionaries,  as 
a  rule,  were  constructed  of  adobes  and  roofed  with 
timber,  grass,  and  earth.  The  cottages  of  the  Indians 
were  grouped  around  the  church,  but  as  a  rule  poor- 
ly constructed  of  boughs.  In  some  cases  the  Indians 
to  please  the  Fathers  would  build  their  cottages  of 
adobes  with  thatched  roofs.  At  the  time  Fr.  Reyes 
wrote,  the  natives  cultivated  little  land,  and  for  this 
little  the  missionary  had  to  provide  the  tools  and 
seeds,  or  there  was  no  tilling  of  the  soil. 

The  Indians  srenerallv  used  their  own  laniruage.    In 


some  of  tiie  villaji'os  there  was  not  one  that  couhl 
speak  8])anish;  so  tliat  tlie  missionary,  nntil  he  had 
learnt  to  speak  their  lanjinaiie,  was  ol)li<ie(l  to  em- 
ploy an  interpreter  in  explaininti;  tlie  catechism. 

Fr.  Keyes  tells  ns  the  Indians  were  corpnlent  and 
above  medium  height.  Their  faces  appeared  ferocious, 
on  account  of  the  manner  in  Avhich  tliey  painted 
temples,  eyes,  and  lips  with  black  stripes. 

As  they  walked  a])out  entirely  naked,  except  for  a 
breechclotii,  sliame  and  modesty  were  unknown  to 
them.  The  men  were  armed  with  bows  and  arrows; 
Avhich  w^ere  reeds  having  a  point  of  flint.  Furniture 
and  other  utensils  were  not  in  use.  Some  women 
painted  their  hands,  arms,  and  breasts,  their  dress 
consisting  only  of  a  ])etticoat  or  an  apron  made  of 
the  skins  of  animals.  They  were  very  unclean,  brutal 
(bestiales)  and  frightful  (horrorosas)  to  l)ehold.  One 
or  the  other  Indian  that  served  the  missionary  at 
the  altar,  whom  the  Father  induced  to  wear  some- 
what more  clothing,  must  of  course  be  excepted  from 
this  description,  says  Fr.  Keyes. 

As  to  the  moral  and  Christian  virtues,  the  Indians 
of  the  missions  generally  were  in  a  more  lamentaljle 
state  tliau  the  pagans  of  the  border  regions.  There 
"was  some  excuse  for  the  latter  on  tlie  score  of  ignor- 
ance which  those  of  the  missions  could  not  claim, 
because  they  enjoyed  the  instructions  and  examples 
of  the  missionaries;  Ijut  it  was  impossible  to  instruct 
as  it  should  have  been  done  under  the  temporal  and 
spiritual  government  that  existed. 

Fr.  Antonio  Reyes  in  his  rei)ort  describes  the  sev- 
eral missions  of  both  Pimeria  Alta  and  Fimeria  Ba- 
ja.  The  latter  soon  passed  out  of  the  hands  of  the 
Queietaranos,  as  we  have  already  stated,  and  there- 
fore may  omit  them  in  connection  with  the  Arizona 
missions.  There  were,  at  the  time  Fr.  Reyes  wrote, 
eight  missions  in  Rimeria  Alta  which  included  tlie 
present  Arizona,    only  two   of  wliich  were  witliin  the 


limits  of  the  territory,  as  follows : 

San  Francisco  Xavier  del  Bac.  Tlie  church  here 
Avas  situated  in  a  fertile  plain,  where  the  Indians 
cultivated  a  little  soil,  raising  wheat,  corn,  and  other 
cereals.  The  building  was  sufficiently  spacious.  The 
sacristy  was  well  supplied  with  altar  vessels  and  or- 
naments, but  in  a   poor   condition. 

From  the  records,  whicli  Fr.  Reyes  had  before  him, 
we  learn  that  at  the  close  of  1771  there  lived  at  San 
Xavier  forty-eight  families,  besides  seven  widowers, 
{viudos)  twelve  widows,  {vrndas)  and  twenty-six  or- 
l)hans;    or  a  community  consisting  of  170  souls. 

The  village,  or  visita,  of  San  Jose  del  Tucson  was 
situated  six  leagues  {seis  leguas)  to  the  north  of  San 
Xavier.  It  had  neither  church  nor  dwelling  for  the 
missionary.  Fr.  Keyes  found  no  record,  but  estimat- 
ed that  the  heads  of  families.  Christian  and  jjagan, 
would  number  above  two  hundrod. 

Los  Santos  Angeles  de  Guevavi.,  the  only  other  mis- 
sion in  Avhat  is  now  Arizona,  was  the  most  eastern  of 
the  Pimeria  Alta  missions.  It  had  three  visitas :  Tu- 
macacori,  Calabazas,  and  Sonoitac.  One  league  east 
of  the  pueblo  of  Tumacacori  was  the  presidio  of 
Tubac.  To  the  Avest,  about  two  leagues,  A\'as  Mission 
Suamca;    and   to   the   north   lay  San  Xavier. 

The  i)ueblo  of  Guevavi  Avas  situated  on  an  arroyo 
in  a  fertile  region,  Avhere  a  little  farming  Avas  done 
by  the  Indians.  The  church  and  sacristy  Avere  Avell 
furnished  Avith  vestments  of  every  color  and  Avitli 
altar  utensils.  There  Avere  nineteen  families  in  the 
mission,  besides  live  Avidowers,  seven  AvidoAVS,  and 
tAvelve  orphans,  or  a  total  of  eighty-six  souls. 

The  pueblo  or  visita  of  San  Gajetano  de  Calabazas 
st3od  two  leagues  east  of  Guevavi,  in  a  district 
very  favorable  to  farming;  but  the  Indians  cultivated 
little  or  no  land.  There  Avas  neither  church  nor  house 
for  the  visiting  priest.  Seventeen  families,  four  wid- 
OAvers,   seven   Avidows,   or   a   total   of   sixty-four    souls 


was  all  that  remained  i'aitht'ul  to  the  missionaries. 

The  villaije  of  San  liinaeio  de  Sonoitac  was  situated 
ill  a  valle}^  surrounded  by  mountains,  six  leagues 
east  of  Guevavi  and  two  from  Calabazas.  The  soil 
was  good,  but  little  was  cultivated.  There  was  a 
church  and  house  for  Uhe  missionary  at  the  place, 
but  both  were  devoid  of  ornaments  or  furniture, 
^hen  the  Father  appeared  to  administer  the  sacra- 
ments, or  to  celebrate  Holy  Mass,  he  was  obliged  to 
bring  along  all  that  was  needed.  Eighteen  families, 
twenty  widowers  and  single  men,  and  twelve  widows, 
or  in  all  ninety-four  Indians  resided  here. 

Ihe  village  of  Tumacacori,  was  situated  six  leagues 
to  the  south  of  Guevavi,  and  one  league  from  the 
presidio  de  Tubac  in  a  very  fertile  region.  The 
church  and  priest's  house,  however,  were  bare  of  fur- 
niture and  ornaments.  The  population  consisted  of 
ninety-three  souls,  i.  e.  twenty-two  families,  twelve 
widowers,  and  ten  orphans. 

Mission  Santa  Maria  de  Suamca.  This  establish- 
ment was  assaulted  by  savage  Apaches  in  1768,  dur- 
ing which  the  church  and  mission  house  was  de- 
stroyed. The  missionary  with  some  men,  women,  and 
children  tied  to  the  visita  of  Santiago  de  Cocoapera, 
where  the  missionary  thereafter  resided  at  the 
church  of  the  place ;  but  the  soil  was  sterile  at  Co- 
cospera  on  account  of  the  scarcity  of  water.  Attempts 
were  made  to  rebuild  Mission  Suamca,  which  is  in 
fertile  soil  five  leagues  from  the  presidio  of  Terren- 
ate,  but  it  seems  without  success.  The  whole  popula- 
tion of  the  mission  with  its  visita  did  not  exceed  one 
hundred  and  ten  souls,  namely,  thirty  families,  five 
widowers,  and  twenty  widows. 

Mission  San  Igviacio  de  Cahurica.  This  mission  was 
situated  on  an  extensive  and  elevated  fertile  plain, 
surrounded  by  high  mountains.  Twelve  leagues  to  the 
east  was  the  village  of  Cocospera.  Five  leagues  south- 
east some  Spaniards  occupied  the  real  of  Santa  Clara, 


—  74  - 

\vhi('li  had  neither  church  nor  dwellinji  for  a  i^riest. 
Further  south  from  Santa  Clara,  al)out  fifteen  leagues 
from  Caburica,  \ny  Mission  de  Cucurpe.  To  the  north 
as  far  as  the  Gila  was  a  region  covered  with  pagan 
Indians. 

The  Indians  al^out  the  pueblo  or  mission  of  San 
Ignacio  cultivated  some  wheat,  corn,  beans,  etc.  The 
church  had  three  altars,  and  the  sacristy  was  well 
furnished.  The  house  of  the  Fathers  adjoined  tlie 
church.  There  were  thirty-six  families  of  Indians, 
four  widowers,  seven  widows,  and  fifteen  orphans  in 
charge  of  the  missionary,  or  altogether  one  hundl'ed 
and  forty-eight  souls. 

The  visita  of  San  Jose  de  Himuris,  lay  three 
leagues  east  of  San  Ignacio,  bounded  north  and  east 
by  mountains.  The  soil  was  good,  but  the  Indians 
cared  little  for  farming.  The  church  and  priest's 
house  was  almost  in  ruins.  Only  one  chalice,  three 
chasubles,  two  albs,  three  amices,  and  other  old  and 
unserviceable  articles  formed  the  whole  wealth  of  the 
vestry.  Seven  Indian  families,  six  widowers,  and  nine 
orphans,  or  in  all  thirty-nine  souls  still  lived  m  the 
neighborhood. 

Mission  Nuestt'a  Senora  de  Los  Dolores  del  Sarie- 
The  village  of  Saric  lay  in  a  fertile  valley  sourround- 
ed  by  mountains.  Some  of  the  Indians  raised  wheat, 
corn,  etc.  A  church  existed  with  a  complete  outlit. 
There  were  still  attached  to  the  mission  thirty-two 
families,  fifteen  widowers,  four  widows  and  tvN'elve  or- 
phans, or  in  all  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  souls. 

The  pueblo  of  Santa  Maria  Magdalena  was  situated 
two  leagues  to  the  east  of  San  Ignacio,  and  three 
leagues  from  the  town  of  Santa  Ana.  The  house  of 
the  missionary  was  entirely  in  ruins.  The  church  was 
a  grand  structure,  but  in  a  ruinous  condition,  and 
only  the  chapel  of  San  Xavier  was  decently  orna- 
mented. The  sacristy  contained  a  chalice  and  a  few 
old    altar  ornaments  and  some    furniture.    Onlv   nine- 


teen  families,  five  widowers,  one  widow,  and  six  or- 
phans, or  eighty-six  souls  in  all  formed  the  commu- 
nity. Twenty  leagues  east  "was  Mission  San  Ignacio; 
eight  leagues  west  lay  Tubutama.  The  village  of  San 
Jose  de  Aquimuri  two  leagues  from  Saric  southeast 
had  no  church;  nor  was  there  a  dwelling  for  the  vis- 
siting  missionary.  The  community  had  dwin(^.led  down 
to  fourteen  families,  live  widowers,  and  two  widows, 
or  fifty-eight  souls  in  all. 

Mission  San  Pedro  y  San  Pahlo  de  Tuhutaiiui. 
This  establishment  was  situated  in  an  extensive  and 
fertile  plain  eight  leagues  northeast  of  Mission  Saric, 
and  between  seventy  and  eighty  leagues  south  of  the 
Gila  River.  A  little  wheat,  corn,  beans,  etc.,  was 
cultivated  by  the  natives.  The  liouse  of  the  Fathers 
was  neat  and  spacious,  and  a  garden  furnished  the 
missionaries  with  some  of  the  produce  they  needed^ 
The  church  was  well  supplied;  the  sacristy  contained 
three  chalices  and  everything  else  required  for  the 
divine  service.  The  population  consisted  of  forty-five 
families,  twelve  widowers,  six  widows  and  eighteen 
orphans,  or  in  all  one   hundred   and  seventy-six  souls. 

The  mission  station  of  Santa  Teresa,  two  leagues 
to  the  east  of  Tulnitama,  had  a  little  church  devoid 
of  ornaments  and  a  house  for  the  Father.  Thirteen 
families,  seven  widowers  and  single  men,  and  two 
widows  composed  the  Indian  population  of  fifty-two 
souls. 

Mission  San  Francisco  de  Ati.  The  old  mission 
establishment  of  Ati  and  its  visita  occupied  a  valley 
six  or  seven  leagues  long  and  two  or  three  leagues 
wide.  Northeast  four  leagues  distant  was  the  mis- 
sion of  Tubutama ;  seven  leagues  southeast  soldiers 
were  stationed  at  the  presidio  de  Altar.  Though  the 
soil  around  Ati  was  good,  the  Indians  did  little  in 
the  way  of  cultivation.  The  church  at  the  pueblo 
w^as  a  small  unadorned  chapel.  The  sacristy  outfit 
was  poor.  The  Indian  population  numbered   one   hun- 


—  76  — 

dred  and  thirty-seven  souls,  i.  e.  thirty-six  married 
couples  with  their  children,  seven  widowers,  two  wid- 
ows and  fifteen  orphans. 

The  village  station  of  San  Antonio  de  Aquitoa 
(Oquitoa),  five  leagues  to  the  west  of  Ati,  had 
neither  church  nor  house  for  the  visiting  missionary. 
The  records  at  this  time  give  a  population  of  one 
hundred  and  six  souls,  or  twenty-three  families,  nine 
widowers,  five  widows,  and  ten  orphans. 

Mission  Purisima  Concepcion  de  Caborca.  This  mis- 
sion with  its  two  stations  was  situated  in  the  most 
westerly  part  of  Pimeria  Alta,  eight  leagues  from 
Mission  de  Ati,  and  sixteen  leagues  from  the  Gulf  of 
California.  The  pueblo  of  Caborca  occupied  a  part  of 
an  extensive  plain  much  exposed  to  inundations  from 
a  stream  whose  name  Fr.  Reyes  does  not  mention. 
The  missionary  in  1771  asked  permission  to  remove 
the  establishment  to  a  more  elevated  locality,  with 
what  result  is  not  known.  The  soil  was  fertile,  and 
especially  favorable  for  the  raising  of  cotton.  The  In- 
dians cultivated  some  land  in  common,  and  also  did 
some  farming  or  ''gardening  on  their  own  account, 
raising  wheat,  corn,  beans,  etc.  The  house  of  the 
missionary  was  neat  and  had  sufficient  room.  A  gar- 
den adjoined  the  little  convent.  The  church  and  sac- 
risty were  well  supplied.  One  hundred  and  thirty- 
three  families,  seventeen  widowers  and  single  men, 
twenty-six  widows,  and  eight  orphans  composed  the 
Indian  population  numbering  six  hundred  and  thirty- 
four  souls. 

The  visita  of  San  Antonio  del  Pitiquin,  distant  two 
leagues  east  from  Caborca,  had  neither  church  nor 
house  for  the  Father.  Seventy-five  families,  eight 
widowers,  and  eleven  widows,  or  in  all  three  hundred 
and  sixty  souls  resided  at  this  station. 

The  little  station  of  San  Juan  del  Bisanig,  six 
leagues  from  Caborca  possessed  a  church  and  also  a 
house  for  the  visiting  missionary,  but  both   were    de- 


void  of  ornaments  or  furniture.  The  land  was  fertile, 
but  the  Indians  preferred  fishing'  in  tlie  gulf,  eight 
or  ten  leagues  distant,  to  farming.  Here  too  was  a 
good-sized  population  consisting  of  sixty-three  mar- 
ried couples  with  their  children,  eleven  widowers, 
eight  widows,  and  six  orphans,  or  a  total  of  two  hun- 
dred and  seventy-one  souls.   (2) 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Captain  Anza's  First  Expedition  Overland  To  Monteeey— Fathers 
Gaeces  And  Diaz— The  Junction  Of  The  Gila  And  Colorado— Fk. 
Garces'  Attempt  To  Reach  The  Moqui— Appeal  In  Behalf  Of  The 
MissiONAEns— Preparations  For  A  Second  Expidition— Transfer  Of 
The  Fimbria  Baja  Missions. 


The  prospects  for  an  early  founding  of  missions  on 
the  Gila  and  Colorado  rivers,  deemed  so  encouraging 
for  awhile,  disappeared  in  the  course  of  time,  and 
nothing  w^as  done  for  three  years ;  but  new  interest 
was  awakened  in  the  region  about  the  Colorado 
through  the  private  speculations  of  a  military  officer. 
The  captain  of  the  presidio  of  Tubac  had  more  than 
any  cne  else  opposed  the  explorations  of  Fr.  Garces ; 
but  when  from  the  latter's  diary  he  discovered  that 
the  Colorado  could  be  j)assed  without  the  use  of 
ships,  a  feat  till  then  believed  impossible.  Captain 
Don  Juan  Bautista  Anza  conceived  the  plan  of  ad- 
vancing his  own  interest  by  opening  a  route  to  Mon- 
terey, on  the  coast,  by  way  of  Sonora  and  the  Colo 
rado   River.    After    consulting  with   Fr.    Garces,    who 

(2)  Unfortunately  Fr.  Reyes  in  his  report  does  not  mention  the  names  of 
the  missionaries  stationed  at  the  different  missions.  This  is  a  great 
drawbaclc  to  the  proper  understanding  of  the  work  of  the  Fathers.  We 
shall  endeavor  liter  on  to  supply  some  of  the  names  from  other    sourcei. 


was  enthusiastic  over  tlie  project  for  missionary  rea- 
sons, the  Captain  asked  permission  of  the  viceroy  to 
undertake  the  trip  overhnid. 

Anza's  petition  fortunately  reached  Mexico  at  the 
time  when  Fr.  Junipero  Serra,  superior  of  the  Cali- 
fornia missions,  was  pleading  in  behalf  of  the  mis- 
sions before  the  viceroyal  court.  He  was  at  once  con- 
sulted regarding  the  feasibility  of  a  route  to  Califor- 
nia overland,  and  heartily  approved  the  plan.  There- 
upon the  captain  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Monterey, 
but  to  take  Fr.  Garces  with  him,  and  in  all  cases  to 
follow  the  advice  of  that  experienced  traveller.  The 
Father  was  to  be  accompanied  by  another  religious. 
The  viceroy  moreover  sent  a  personal  letter  to  Fr. 
Garces  which  concluded  in  these  words :  "I  was 
moved  to  agree  to  this  expedition  mainly  by  the  ac- 
counts your  Reverence  forwarded  regarding  the  re- 
sult of  your  three  successful  journeys  to  the  rivers 
Colorado  and  Gila;  and  I  hope  that  in  this  one  your 
Reverence  will  continue,  as  I  request  and  charge  you, 
proving  your  apostolic  spirit ;  and  that  your  hard- 
ships may  be  useful  and  agreeable  to  God  and  the 
king."   (i) 

Fr.  Garces  and  Fr.  Juan  Diaz  accordingly  joined 
the  expedition  which  started  out  from  the  presidio 
of  Tubac  on  the  8th  of  January,  1774,  guided  by  an 
Indian  from  the  mission  of  San  Gabriel,  California, 
Sabastian  by  name.  This  Indian  had  left  San  Gabriel 
in  company  of  his  father,  mother,  and  wife,  and  had 
reached  the  Colorado  in  safety  on  account  of  his  ro- 
bust health,  whilst  his  relatives  had  perished  for 
want  of  water  and  food. 

The    story    of   the  Indian   brought   consternation    to 

(1)  Arricivita,  450-451,  "Mi  condescencia  &  que  se  execute  (la  expadicion) 
la  ban  movido  primeramente  las  noticLas  que  V;  R.  ha  comunicado  de  re- 
sulta  de  sus  tres  dichosas  entradas  hasta  los  rios  Colorado  y  Gila ;  y  es- 
pero  que  en  la  de  aliora  continue  V.  R.,  como  se  lo  ruego  y  encargo,  acre- 
ditando  bu  espiritu  apostolico,  y  que  sus  fatigas  sean  utiles  y  agradable  il 
Dios  y  al  Rey."  V  ilc  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  Texas,  Vol.  I,  p.  717;  Hist,  Arizo- 
na, 3«9;  Hist.  California,  Vol.  I,  2-.il. 


FR.    JUNIPERO    SERRA.    O.    F.    M. 


—  79  — 

tlie  ranks  of  the  troops;  but  Sebastian  encouraged 
them  by  showinj;-  that,  if  lie  could  thus  have  crossed 
the  desert  without  i)rovisions,  then  surely  a  number 
of  soldiers  ought  to  Ix'  ;i1)le  to  pass  over  the  same 
road  when  provided  with  everything;  necessary.  This 
reasoning  quieted  tlie  fears  of  the  Spaniards,  and  the 
party  of  thirty-four  men,  1-10  horses,  and  65  cattle, 
set  out  and  marched  by  way  of  C'aborca  through  a 
disagreeable  and  waterless  district  until  the  28th, 
when  they  arrived  at  San  Marcelo  de  Sonoitac.  Great- 
er were  the  hardships  encountered  after  that  until  a 
spring  was  discovered  on  the  5th  of  February  in  a 
deep  arroyo.  A  Papago  Indian  liere  warned  the  com- 
mander against  the  Yumas  who  intended  to  rol)  the 
travellers,  in  spite  of  Chief  Palma.  However,  on  find- 
ing that  a  messenger  despatched  to  the  Yumas  had 
been  received  kindly,  the  party  proceeded,  and  were 
soon  welcomed  on  the  road  by  Palma  and  his  people. 
The  chief  explained  that  the  unfriendly  Indians  be- 
longed to  another  band  of  the  tribe.  Captain  Anza 
now  placed  a  silver  medal,  showing  the  image  of  the 
king,  around  the  neck  of  Chief  Palma,  as  a  sign  of 
fealty  to  the  Spanish  ruler,  and  gravely  coniirmed 
him  in  his  office  of  chief  over  tlie  Indians.  The  Fa- 
thers, on  the  other  hand,  at  once  exerted  themselves 
in  trying  to  instruct  the  great  multitude  that  had 
gathered  at  their  camp.  Palma  was  much  pleased 
with  Avhat  he  heard  and  saw,  and  therefore  invited 
the  A\hole  party  to  his  rancheria,  which  lay  between 
two  rivers,   '^estal)a  entre  los  dos  rios.''   (2) 

(2)  Arricivita,  4r>2.  It  is  difficult  to  explain  wliat  Arricivita  means  here  aft- 
er one  has  become  acquahited  with  the  country  around  the  junction  of 
the  rivers  Gila  and  Colorado.  It  must  le  that  a  branch  of  th<?  Gila  exist- 
ed at  tliat  time  which  entered  tlie  Colorado  below  what  is  now  Yuma  Cit- 
y,  Arizona.  Palma's  rancheria  in  that  CAse  w,)uld  have  been  where  Yuma 
now  stands.  This  view  would  easily  explain  the  difficulty,  and  it  would 
seem  to  be  confirmed  by  a  note  on  page  222  of  Bancroft's  History  of  Cali- 
fornia, Vol.  I.  After  saying:  "Palma,  a  famous  Yuma  chief,  entertained 
the  Spaniards  at  his  rancheria  at  San  Dionisio,  Isla  de  Trinidad,  a  kind 
of  island  formed  by  a  double  channel  of  the  Gila  at  its  junction  with  the 


*-  so  — 

More  than  200  persons  of  both  sexes  followed  the 
Fathers.  Going  down  the  river  (3)  about  half  a 
league,  Palma  led  the  Spaniards  to  a  ford  where 
they  could  cross  on  horseback  without  any  danger. 
On  ascending  an  elevation  on  the  bank  of  the  river, 
(4)  they  found  about  600  Indians  gathered  at  the 
top.  All  treated  the  Fathers  with  the  utmost  famili- 
arity ;  they  were  not  contented  to  merely  see  the 
priests,  but  wanted  to  touch  their  habit  and  other 
things,  so  that  in  the  end  they  became  very  annoy- 
ing. From  the  captain  and  the  missionaries  the  In- 
dians received  tobacco,  beads,  and  other  trinkets ; 
and  in  turn  obtained  from  the  Indians  the  products 
of  their  little  gardens  or  tields. 

At  this  place  a  small  stream  which  some  leagues 
above  separates  from  the  River  Colorado  joins  the 
Gila,  thus  forming  an  island  sufficiently  large  to  of- 
fer Chief  Palma  and  his  band  of  Indians  a  home.  (5) 
The  united  streams  measured  125  varas  in  width, 
and  were  live  2>ttl^nos  deep.  The  water  was  somewhat 
brackish,  (6)  but  the  soil  around  was  good  for  the 
cultivation  of  fruits  v»'hich  without  labor  afforded 
the  Indians  abundant  food. 

On  the  following  day,  February  9th,  the  party,  ac- 
companied by  crowds  of  natives,  crossed  the  Colorado 
below  the  junction.  The  stream  at  that  time  of  the 
year  is  usually  very  low.  Anza  found  that  it  was  200 
varas  wide  and  somewhat  more  than  tw  ^  varas 
deep.  Proceeding  for  live  days,  the  expedition  passed 

Colorado,"  Baneroft  tells  us:  "One  of  the  channels  no  longer  carries  wa- 
ter, and  perhaps  did  so  then  only  at  high  water.  In  Kino's  map  of  1701 
San  Dionisio  is  not  represented  as  an  island.  Emory,  "Notes,"  5)5-6,  in 
1846  noted  that  the  Gila  once  flowed  to  the  south  of  its  present  channel, 
and  says:  "During  freshets  it  is  probable  the  rivers  now  discharge  their 
surplus  waters  through  those  old  channels." 

(3)  The  Gila  must  be  meant.  (i)  Probably  the  hill  at  the  month  of 
the  Gila.  (5)    The  writer  in  1886  did  find  that  the  Colorado  about  two 

leagues  above  Yuma  City  separates   into   two  streams,    but  united   again 
just  before  the  Gila  enters  the  river.    The   island   thus   formed   was    noth- 
ing more  than  a  sandbank  a  few  feet  above  the  water. 
(6)    Which  is  true  of  the  Gila,  but  not  of  the  Colorado. 


—  81  •- 

called  Santa  Olaya  witliin  the  country  of  the  Caju- 
enches.  Here  Talma  for  fear  of  their  enemies  with- 
drew witli  liis  people.  From  tlie  14th  of  FeV)rnary  An- 
za's  party  continued  witl)out  i;uide  throui;h  a  desert, 
but  on  tlie  16th  resolved  to  return  to  Santa  Olaya 
and  rest  their  animals,  for  whom  neither  feed  nor  wa- 
ter could  be  found.  The  caravan  entirely  worn  out 
reached  the  lajioon  on  the  19th.  The  fact  somehow 
became  known  to  the  Yumas,  who  with  Palma  again 
appeared  and  showed  their  sympathy.  The  rest  lasted 
until  the  2d  of  March,  during  which  time  Fathers 
Garces  and  Didz  exercised  themselves  in  instructing 
the  large  number  of  natives  that  flocked  together  at 
their  camp.  Though  the  missionaries  had  no  interpret- 
er, they  had  the  satisfaction  to  see  that  they  were 
understood  to  a  large  extent,  as  proof  of  wliicli  many 
Indians  brought  th^ir  idols  to  the  priests  to  be  put 
in  a  heap.  Nearly  all  thereafter  repeated  tlie  holy 
Names  of  Jesus  and  Mary,  and  others  learned  to 
make  the  Sign  of  the  Cross.  Fr.  Garces  for  six  days 
also  wandered  about  among  tlie  rancheria.^  situated 
on  the  lagoon,  in  order  to  satisfy  iiis  zeal  for  souls, 
and  then  returned  to  the  camp  on  the  1st  of  March. 

Oaptain  Anza  now  resolved  to  leave  the  greater 
part  of  the  cattle  and  the  goods  behind  witli  tliree 
soldiers  and  three  mule  drivers  in  charge  of  Chief 
Palma,  who  was  much  elated  at  the  confidence 
placed  in  him.  The  march  was  then  resumed  on  the 
2d,  and  some  rancherias  of  Cajuenches  found,  which 
Fr.  Garces  had  seen  on  his  trip  in  1771.  Ten  Indians 
saluted  the  soldiers,  and  l)rouglit  to  Fr.  Garces  four 
idols  which  he  broke  before  their  eyes. 

The  explorers  continued  along  sierras,  lagoons,  and 
through  sandy  deserts  to  the  Puerto  de  San  C'ark)s,  or 
Gorgonio  Pass,  where  the  country  of  the  Cajuenches 
ended  and  that  of  another  tribe  began.  Fr.  Garces, 
on  a  former  visit,  for  want  of  a  better  name,  had 
called    them    Danzarines,    on   account   of  the   violent 


movements  of  their  hands  and  feet  in  speaking.  (7) 
The  Rio  Sta  Ana  was  crossed  by  means  of  a  bridge 
of  boughs  on  the  20t]i  of  Marcli,  and  on  the  22d  the 
weary  party  entered  Mission  San  Galiriel.  Since  leav- 
ing Caborca  the  party  had  travelled  214  leagues ; 
but  in  a  direct  line  the  road  would  have  been  less 
than  200  leagues. 

The  travellers  had  exhausted  tlieir  supply  of  food, 
and  found  equal  destitution  at  San  Gabriel;  but  the 
resident  missionaries,  Fathers  Paterna  and  Cruzado, 
entertained  tliem  as  well  as  tliey  could,  and  wel- 
comed them  with  a  Mass,  sermon,  and  Te  Deum.  A 
cow  was  slaughtered,  and  in  ten  days  four  of  An- 
za's  men  returned  from  San  Diego  with  supplies  that 
had  come  on  the  ship  Santiago.  While  at  San  Gabri- 
el, on  March  24th,  Anza  stood  as  sj)onsor  for  a  child 
baj^tized  by  Fr.  Diaz.  About  the  same  time  Fr.  Juni- 
pero  Serra  came  up  from  San  Diego,  and  brought  to 
Fr.  Diaz  the  interesting  news  that  a  Father  had 
arrived  at  the  port  with  all  the  instruments  for  the 
]>roper  measurement  of  latitude  and  longitude.  The 
mathematically  inclined  religious  at  once  hastened 
to  San  Diego  to  see  the  instruments.  Fr.  (itarces  on 
the  other  hand,  returned  with  the  remainder  of  the 
troops  to  the  Colorado,  in  obedience  to  the  request 
of  Captain  Anza.  The  return  did  not  take  more  than 
12  days  nnd  a  half,  during  which  the  party  travelled 
86  leagues ;  whereas  in  coming  they  had  marched  20 
days  and  made  109  leagues.  However,  the  men  left  at 
the  river  to  care  for  the  cattle,  had  run  away  to 
Caborca  on  hearing  that  Anza,  the  Father,  and  sol- 
diers had  been  killed  by  the  savages.  Captain  Anza 
resumed  his  march  to  the  presidio  of  Monterey  with 
six  men  (8)  on  the  10th  of  April,  and  returned  to 
San  Gabriel  on  the  1st  of  Mav. 


(7)  This  would  show  that  Fr.  Garct?s  had  indeed  crossed  the  Colorado  be- 
fore, a  fact  tliat  could  not  be  learnt  from  the  confused  narrative  of 
Arrioivita  given  on  paf,'e  56  of  this  work.     fS)  Arricivita  says  four. 


■»  81?  «w 

On  Mny  8(1,  he,  witli,  Fr.  Diaz  and  the  uuartk 
started  fV,,-  tlie  Colorado,  wliere  ti.ey  were  welcomed 
eio-ht  days  later.  As  the  river  had  beo-un  to  rise,  the 
whole  ])arty  crossed  it  on  rafts  constrnctc.l  by  the 
Indians;  and,  heoinnin--  the  home  nuircii  on  the  loth 
of  May,  1774,  they  arrived  at  Tnhi.c  on  the  lOth. 
The  exi)edition  had  accomplished  all  that  it  Jiad 
been  intended  to  do,  i„  showin-  the  practical)ili'tv 
ot    the  new  ronte.    (9) 


(«)    Amc.v.ta     450-455.      We    supply    from    Bancroft    a    description    of    the 
vl.oe  rout,  of  tins  famous  expedition    which    may   be   of   inLest   to   Ihe 

o.al  1  ,,st„rians  and  miss.onaries Jan.  M,  1774,  from  Tuhac    1   league   to 

ordofv,aMlKnac.o:Jan.  9th,    southwest   to    Arivac   vaJiev :    loth    ^    s    w 
o   Asrua    L.co„dida,    7  1.;    i:irh,  to  Saric,  7   1.;  14th,  to  La  Estancia    4  I 
oh,  .  w.  U.  Ati.  5    5  1      ,6th,  w.  to  Oouitoa,  6  i. :  17th,  to  AU::^;^^;:, 
2  1.      19th,    V    n.  w    to    Pitic,  5  1.;  2(.th,  to  ("aborca,  2  1. ;  2_'d,  n.  w.    to     S 
Ildetonso    4  1.:  2:d,  to  Aribaipia    or  S.  Eduardo,  9  1.;  24th,   to   pool   of   s' 
Juan  de  Mata,  4  L  ;  25th.  6  leagues;  26th,  w.  n.  w.  to  rancheria   of  (^.ito: 
bac   or    S.  Louis   Bacapa,  6  1. ;  27th,  n.  to  foot  of  a    hill,    5  .5   1  ■   2,stl      , 
n.  e.  to  Sonoita,  5  1. ;  29th,  w.  to  Carrizal,  9  1. ;  »)t.h,  n.  n.  w.  6  l.'-  :y«t'  w^ 
u.    w.  9  L;  tebr.  1st,  n.  w.  to  Purificacion,  :l  1.;  4th,  to  sprinfjs,    5  1  •  .5th 
to  A„.ua  EscondMa,   7  l.;    6th,   s.    w.  6^,    J.;  7th,    to   Trinld.d     sland   fnd 
Palmas    ranchena,    10-,   1.,    called  by  the  Jesuits  San  Dionisio;  Sth,  ford 
ed  the  G.la  ;  9th.  forded  the  Colorado,  near  the  site  of  later  Mission  Con- 
cepcion.  ->■  K'u  v^iMi 

Feb.  lOtl.  to  12th.  5  1.  w.  n.  w.  and  4.5  1.  s.  w.,  and  s.  to  Laguna  de  San 
ta  01a.va.  (Accor.lia..  to  the  r.turn  trip  Sta  Olaya  was  4  1.  w'"?  the  r^Je" 
and  8  1.  w.  s  w.  of  San  Dionisio,  or  Isla  de  TrinidM.)  Feb.  i;ith  to  19th 
off  mto  the  desert  and  back  to  the  laguna ;  March  2d,  5  1.  w  s  w  to  La' 
guna  del  Preditador:  March  ;M  to  5th,  3  1.  w.  s.  w.,  6.5  1  w  n  'w  '  6  1  w 
u.  w.  with  low  sierra  on  left;  :i  1.  n.  w.  across  tiie  hills-  2  1  w  ''l  5  1  n' 
and  n  w..  m  .sight  of-^an  estero  or  marsh,  to  Pozo  de  San  Eusebio;  Ma"rch' 
bth,  41.  w.  to  Santo  PomAs,  in  middle  of  sierra;  March  7th  and  8th  4  1  n 
w,  and  one  1.  u.  e.  to  Pozos  de  Sta  Rosa  do  las  Lajas;  (is  leagues  iu  a 
direct  line  from  Santa  Olaya.)  March  Pth  and  10th.  11  1.  „.  to  S  Sebastian 
Peregrino,  a  large  cenega  in  the  Cajuenche  nation;  (22  1.  w.  and  w  n  w 
from  Sta  Olaya.)  March  11th,  1.5  1.  w.  on  same  cienega  ;  Mar-ch  l"th    6  I' 

trom  S.  Sebastian.)  6  1.  n.  n.  w.  to  Puerto  de  S.  CArlos  following  the  Cana- 
da; March  ,6th  and  17th,  8  1.  n.  w.  and  n.  n.  w.  to  Laguna  and  Valley  ^f 
Pr.ncpe.  ,or  S.  Patricio,  Si  w.  n.  w.  from  Sta  Catarina.,   March  Ksth   (4 

.  n.  and  „.  n.  w.  to  \alle  de  S.Jose  on  a  fine  strean, ;  March  19th,  6  51 
1.    n.   w.  to  Laguna  de  S.  Antonio  de  Bucareli;  March  20th,  5  1    n    w    and 

.0  1    w.  n.  w.    to   Rio  Sta  Ana;  March  21st.  7  1.  w.  n.  w.  to  Arrovo'de  o'" 
(or  Ahsosi  ;  March  22d  to  San  Gabriel. 
Return    May  10th,  to  the  junction  at  San    Dionisio;    1,5th,    up  the    south 

.SI.,  iMh.  to  the  first  Cocomancopa  rancheria  or  S.  Bernar.lino  4  1  ■  ]9th 
np  the  no.-th  bank  of  the  Gila,  .S  I. ;  3,.th,  up  south  bank,  5  1.  to  withhi  'on^ 
league  of  SS.  Simon  y  Judds  de  Upasoitac;  21st,  through  Upasoitac.  leav- 
ing the  r.ver  where  it  turns  north,  s].;  22.1.  to  the  Pima  rancheria  of  Su- 


-  54  - 

f'rohi  Tuijac  Captain  Aiiza  went  to  Mexico  to  Iny 
tiie  result  of  his  trip  overland  to  California  bfefore 
the  viceroy.  His  Excellency  had  also  wished  to  learn 
whether  or  not  it  was  possible  to  open  a  route  and 
inaintain  communication  between  New  Mexico  ahd 
Monterey,  California,  and  had  requested  the  Fr. 
Guardian  of  the  college  at  Queretaro  to  make  the 
necessary  investigations.  The  Fr.  Guardian  had  se- 
lected Fr.  Garces  for  that  work,  and  directed  him  to 
forward  a  letter  to  the  nearest  missionary  in  NeW 
Mexico,  and  to  have  himself  informed  as  to  the  dis- 
tances. For  this  reason  Fr.  Garces  did  not  accompany 
the  troops  back  to  Tubac,  but  remained  at  Oparsoi- 
tac,  (Upasoitac)  which  was  called  SS.  Simon  and  Ju- 
dds,  about  38  leagues  above  the  junction  of  the  Gila 
with  the  Colorado,  below  the  Big  Bend.  He  resolved 
to  go  alone,  save  for  a  servant  of  Captain  Anza  who 
was  to  be  his  companion.  Fr.  Garces  proposed  to  enter 
the  country  of  the  Yavipais  and  Niforas  Indians,  but 
as  usual  there  was  trouble  about  ol)taining  guides ; 
none  of  the  Pimas  or  Cocomaricopas  would  show  him 
the  road,  because  they  w^ere  not  on  good  terms  with 
the  Yavipais.  Finally  two  Jalchedunes  from  the  Col- 
orado River  offered  to  guide  the  Father;  then  the 
valiant  servant  of  the  captain  objected  for  fear  of 
the  Indians.  He  was  therefore  allowed  to  remain 
with   the  Pimas. 

Trusting  to  the  Providence  of  God  and  the  good 
will  of  his  guides,  Fr.  Garces  travelled  thirty  leagues 
to  a  large  lagoon,  where  he  found  two  well  i^opulated 
settlements  of  Jalchedunes.  These  Indians  cultivated 
wheat  to  a  great  extent.  Near  them  began  the  front- 
ier of  a   most   hostile   tribe,  the   Quilmurs,  wherefore 

taqiiisou,  wliere  are  some  old  ruius  at  Casas  Graiides,  6  1. ;  2::i(l,  to  Tutiri- 
tucaf,  or  S.  Jaan  Capistrano,  a  rancliprla  of  300  souls,  2  1. ;  24th,  along  the 
Gila,  2  1.  to  within  2  1.  cf  the  Casa  Grande,  thence  south;  tSth,  south  to 
Tucson,  24  1.  from  the  Gila ;  26th,  5  1.  to  Bac  and  15  1.  to  Tubac,  103  leagues 
from  San  Dionisio.  Bancroft,  Hist.  Calif.,  Vol.  I,  222-223;  Hist.  Arizona, 
Sbd\     Hist.    Texas   Vol.  I,  717. 


the  explorer  rliought  it  wiser   not  to  proceed   through 
their   hmd   up    the    river    (10).    The   Jalchedunes   ad- 
vised him   to  leave   the   letter   with    them,  and   when 
the   mezquites   were   ripe    they   would   forward    it    to 
the  missionary  in  New  Mexico.  He  inquired  about  the 
distance   to  the   people   that  made  the    "mantas   prie- 
tas,"  and  was  told  it  was  five  day's  travel;  and   that 
the    nearest    missionary    resided    seven    day's    travel 
from    their    own    camps.    These    Indians    treated    the 
Father   with  even  more  kindness  than  he   had  experi- 
enced at  the   hands  of  those   farther  down  the   river; 
and  besides  he   noticed  that  more  people  wore  blank- 
ets   made    by    the   Moqui,    or    by    the    Gilenos.    The 
missionary   saw   that  it   was    useless   to   try    to   reach 
the   Moqui    at  that   time,  on   account   of   the   scarcity 
of    water,    and   also,    because   the   Fr.    President    had 
forbidden   him    to   venture    too   far   into  the  interior; 
he    therefore   resolved  to   return.  Several  Jalchedunes 
offered   to   guide    him   back,  but   as    poor   Fr.  Garces 
had  no   more   presents   to   bestow  on  so   many,  he  se- 
lected   only    one   Indian    who   carried   the   provisions, 
and   prepared   the   meals   for   him   consisting   only   of 
the   atole  made   of  wheat  flour.  The  good  native  also 
urged   on   the    horse   which   showed    signs    of   exhaus- 
tion.   On   reaching  the   Cocomaricopas,    they   were    o- 
Idiged  to  rest  for  several  days.  Fr.    Garces   gladly   re- 
mained with  these  Indians    because  of  their  good  dis- 
positions towards  Christianity.  After   many   hardships 
the  intrepid  wanderer  at  last   arrived  at   his    mission, 
San   Xavier   del   Bac,  on    July   10th,  having    seen   on 
his   journey,   as   he   thought,   about   24,000  pagan   In- 
dians.  (11) 


(10)  GQlQfi^dq   Qr  ^^|;ita  Maria  Rivor,  Bancroft  sajs.    (11)  Arricivita,  455-456, 


—  86  — 


CHAPTER  VII. 

State  Of  The  Mis.siuxa— Petition  Of  The  Pkoi  lrajxik— f^xPEDiTiox 
From  Sosoea  To  The  Port  Of  Sax  Fkaxcisco,  California.— Fathers 
Garces,  Font,  Axd  Etzarch. 

The    state    of    the    missions    in   the    Pinieiias    during 
this    period    remained    the    same.    Nothing   had    been 
done    to    ease    the    superhuman    yet    almost    fruitless 
work  of   the   devoted  religious,  as  no  action  had  been 
taken   by    the  government   regarding    the   oft-repeated 
complaints  and  recommendations.  The  Apaches  contin- 
ued to  devastate  the  mission  establishments    with  tire 
and  l)lot)(l.  and  drove  away  cattle  and  horses.  The  In- 
dians who  had  settled  down   near  the  missions  or  vis- 
itas  were  the  same    indolent,   inditferent,   and    immor- 
al creatures  as  l)efore,  to  the  intense  grief  of  the  Fa- 
thers who    found   it    impossible    to    change    tiie    condi- 
tions, Tiie    territory  in   charge   of    the  individual  mis- 
sionaries  was  too   extensive    to  permit    that    anything 
l)ernianent  l)e  effected.  Once  nu)re,  therefore,  the  »'ol- 
lege    of   Queretaro   through  the  procurador  in  August 
1778   appealed    to    the    viceroy    in    behalf    of   the  Fa- 
thers   on     the    missions;     but    his     statement    of    the 
facts  did  not    meet    with    the    reception    that    was    ex- 
pected. The  cold  reply  came  from  Mexico  that  in  the 
emergency  of  an  attack  by  the  Apaches,  the  mission- 
aries could  easily  have  recourse  to  the    nearest    presi- 
dio. As  to  an  assistant,  or  second  priest  at  the  sever- 
al missions,  whom  all   desired,  not  only  for    the    sake 
of    the    Indians,    but    also    in   order    that    two    Fathers 
might    live  together  as   became   religious,    the   viceroy 
declared    that  this   could  not  be   permitted    generally. 
There  were  many    districts,  he  claimed,   in  which    the 


—  87  — 

uiissiuiuiries  resided  so  close  together  that  they  could 
very  well  meet  and  enjoy  each  other's  company  and 
assistance. 

The  procurador  did  not  hnd  it  difficult  to  prove 
that  the  viceroy  hibored  under  a  misapprehension. 
He  showed  his  Excellency  that  usually  the  cunning- 
savages  fell  upon  the  establishments  without  a  previ- 
ous warning,  and  that  often  the  missions  were  in 
ruins  before  the  soldiers  of  the  presidio  could  be  no- 
tified. In  answer  to  the  viceroy's  second  point,  the 
procurador,  in  the  same  letter  of  September  18th, 
furnished  a  list  of  the  missions  with  their  distances 
from  one  another,  according  to  the  report  of  Fr.  Re- 
yes of  the  previous  year.  From  this  statement  his  Ex- 
cellency learned  that  the  Fathers  of  the  two  missions 
San  Ignacio  and  Tubutama,  which  lay  nearest  to- 
gether, had  to  travel  16  leagues  in  order  to  make 
their  confession  to  each  other.  The  missions  in  other 
parts  of  the  country  were  much  farther  apart,  and 
this  rendered  life  for  the  lonely  religious  deprived 
of  the  counsel  and  assistance  of  a  brother  priest,  ex- 
tremely burdensome.    (1) 

The  simple  statement  of  the  procurador  this  time 
at  least  had  some  effect.  The  viceroy  requested  the 
college  to  hold  a  regular  visitation  of  the  missions  in 
Sonora,  to  draw  up  a  report,  and  to  hand  it  to  the 
governor,  who  was  to  forward  the  same  to  the  court 
of  Mexico.  In  obedience  to  this  order  the  Fr.  Guardi- 
an directed  the  P'r.  President  of  the  missions  to  visit 
the  establishments,  or,  in  the  event  of  sickness  or  in- 
ability, to  delegate  another  leather  to  do  so  and  re- 
port as  directed.  This  was  done  to  the  intense  satis- 
faction of  the  missionaries,  who  felt  happy  to  be  a- 
ble  to  unburden  their  consciences  freely,  and  have 
their  scruples  regarding  the  insufficient  catechetical 
instructions  of   the   neophytes,    especially    at    the  out- 

il)     896  FranQiscans  in  California,  paflres  liO-JUi         .Viiricivita,  4.'"))S. 


—  88  — 

side  stations,  examined  by  one  wlio  understood  them 
from  pergonal  observations.  The  whole  report  was 
then  transmitted  as  ordered  by  the  viceroy,  and  cop- 
ies of  the  same  forwarded  to  the  college.  Arricivita 
does"  not  say  wdio  held  the  visitation  ;  but  there  the 
matter  ended,  for  notliing  came  of  the  whole  transac- 
tion. The  old  misery  continued  n  itil  Captain  Anza 
arrived  in  Mexico  after  having  demonstrated  the  fea- 
sibility of  the  overland  route.  Anza  also  brought  Fr. 
Garces'  diary  and  letters  in  which  he  again  proposed 
the  founding  of  missions  on  the  Colorado  and  the  Gi- 
la, under  the  protection  of  a  strong  military  guard  a- 
gainst  the  everlasting  attacks  of  the  restless  Apaches. 
As  Anza  could  not  say  that  he  had  seen  the  sites 
recommended  by  Fr.  Garces,  nothing  again  came  of 
the  report,  except  that  the  viceroy  declared  the 
places  shoukl  be  first  examined.   (2) 

However,  towards  the  close  of  1774  royal  orders  ar- 
rived from  Spain  directing  Viceroy  Bucareli  to  send 
reenforcements  to  the  California  missions.  Another 
expedition  Avas  therefore  equipped  and  placed  in 
ciuirge  of  Don  Anza.  He  was  instructed  to  examine 
theproposed  mission  sites  in  company  of  the  Fa- 
thers, on  the  Gila  as  wellas  the  Colorado,  because  it 
was  the  intention  of  tlie  government  to  found  the 
missions   as  soon  as  he  should  return  from  the   coast. 

It  was  also  given  out  that  the  two  presidios  of  San 
Miguel  de  Horcasitas  and  Buenavista  should  be  re- 
moved, one  to  the  Gila  and  the  other  to  the  Colora- 
do, as  protection  for  the  contemplated  missions.  The 
inspector-general,  Don  Hugo  O'Conor,  then  visiting 
the  military  posts  of  the  country,  was  advised  of 
the  plan,  and  he  accordingly  wrote  to  Fr.  Garces  on 
December  13th,  1775,  among  other  things  as  follows : 

"The  whole  proposition  regarding  the  transfer  of 
the    presidios    of   Horcasitas    and    Buenavista    to   the 

(2)    Arricivita,  456-401, 


—  89  — 

rivers  Gila  and  Colorado  has  my  approval ;  and 
tliou«;li  the  execution  of  tiie  order  is  left  to  me,  the 
transfer  cannot  l)e  accomplished  until  your  Reverence 
returns  from  the  journey/'  (o)  It  was  now  plain 
that  the  viceroy  earnestly  desired  tlie  founding  of 
missions  on  the  Colorado  and  Gila  under  the  protec- 
tion of  the  presidios  named,  and  that  for  this  reason 
he  directed  b'v.  Garces  and  a  companion  priest  to  re- 
main behind  at  the  Colorado  awaiting  the  return  of 
the  expedition,  and  meanwhile  to  prepare  the  lui- 
tives  for  the  blessings  in  store  for  them. 

On  learning  of  the  intentions  of  the  government, 
the  college  in  turn  made  preparations  to  meet  the 
wishes  of  the  viceroy.  It  was,  however,  found  impos- 
sible to  furnish  the  required  number  of  missionaries. 
The  Father  Guardian  with  his  counsellors,  therefore, 
resolved  to  cede  the  missions  in  Pimeria  Baja  to  the 
lit.  Rev.  Bishop  of  Durango,  in  order  to  transfer  the 
missionaries  stationed  there  to  the  northern  estab- 
lishments; but  the  Bishop  thought  it  was  too  early 
to  place  those  missions  in  charge  of  secular  priests. 
Thereupon  the  provincial  of  the  Franciscans  m  Xalis- 
co  was  informed  that  the  viceroy  would  be  pleased 
if  the  province  took  charge  of  the  missions  in  Rime- 
ria  Baja.  The  transfer  was  harmoniously  effected  in 
1774.  These  missions  had  been  in  the  care  of  the 
Queretaranos  since  the  year  1768.   (1) 

Immediately  after  the  Board  of  War  had  approved 
the  plan  of  Viceroy  Bucareli  to  send  out  an  expedi- 
tion for  the  Port  of  8an  Francisco,  preparations  were 
made  to  collect  the  necessary  number  of  soldiers,  col- 
onists, cattle,  etc  At  San  Felipe  in  Sinaloa  a  regu- 
lar recruiting-office  was  opened,  and  men  and  materi- 
al   forwarded    to    San    Miguel    de    Horcasitas     which 

(3)  O'Conor  recommended  as  sites  for  frontier  presidios  S.  Bamardo  Xagui- 
oaar,  Sta    Cruz,    aad  Juata  de  los  Rios.  The  only   cliauge  ever   made   was 
tliat  of  Tubac  to  Tucson.    Bat-croft,   Hist.  Arizona,   39], 
[i)    Airicivita,  400;  4»y. 


—  9(1  — 

was  the  lieadqiiarters.  The  expedition  was  in  charge 
of  Don  Juan  Bautista  Anza,  who  had  been  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  lieutenant  colonel.  By  request  of  the 
viceroy,  the  Fr.  Guardian  ordered  Fr.  Pedro  Font  to 
accompany  the  troops  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  the 
good  will  of  the  natives  along  the  road,  to  instruct 
them  as  the  opportunity  ofi'ered,  and  to  take  down 
the  geological  observations  along  the  whole  route. 
Likewise  by  re([uest  of  the  viceroy  Fathers  Garces 
and  Tonnis  Eyzarch  were  told  to  accompany  the  ex- 
pedition as  far  as  the  Rio  Golorado,  there  to  exam- 
ine suitable  sites  for  the  proposed  missions,  and  to 
prepare  the  minds  of  the  Indians  for  the  great  bless- 
ings planned  in  their  liehalf.  From  experience  Fr. 
Garces  knew  that  it  would  l)e  impossible  to  obtain 
interpreters  for  all  the  different  dialects  spoken  by 
the  natives  along  the  route  which  it  was  intended  to 
travel,  and  tliat  he  should  have  to  converse  with  the 
Indians  l)y  means  of  signs  to  a  great  extent.  He 
therefore  had  a  canvas  prepared  showing  on  one  side 
the  i)i.-ture  of  tlie  Blessed  Virgin,  and  on  the  other 
that  of  a  condemned  soul  in  hell.  On  his  breast,  as 
before,  he  wore  a  crucifix  which  he  was  accustomed 
to  kiss  fre((uently  before  his  hearers.  This  had  excit- 
ed wonder  and  provoked  questions  on  their  part 
which    he    liad    always    l)een    ready    to   answer. 

The  eN])edition  was  not  in  marching  order  until 
the  i>lst  of  Mctober,  1775.  (5)  It  theii  left  Tubac 
under  tlie  protection  oi'  Our  Lady  of  Guadalupe,  St. 
Miriijiel,  and  St.  Fran»  is  of  Assisi,  after  the  celebra- 
tion  of  Holy  Mass.    (6) 


|5(     Bancroft    .-^h.vs    it    was    Tuesday    t!ie  23<l.  Hist.    Cal.,    258-260. 

(til  "Tlie  foirc  tl.at  set  out  liciii  Tuhac  consisted,  First,  of  Anza.  connnand- 
er.  Fr.  Pedro  Font  of  tiie  Queretaro  Franciscans,  ciiaplain,  ten  soldiers  of 
the  Horcasitas  presidio,  cit'lit  muleteers,  four  .servant.*,  and  Mariano  Vid- 
al  purveyor— twenty-live  persons  in  ail  who  were  to  return  to  Sonora  ;  sec- 
ond. Fathers  Francisco  (inrc^s  and  Tomas  Eyzarch,  (Eixarch,  Esiare,) 
destined  to  remain  on  the  Rio  Colorado  with  three  servants  and  three  in- 
terpreters ;  and  toird.  .\lfi^rez  .Jos^  Joaquin  Morasra  and  Serg-eant  .fuan 
I'ahlo    Gri.jalvK,    twentyeijjht    soldior-,  <"i«lit.  from   tlie    i>r.'-idio  foice    and 


—    !>1     — 

The  route  passed  by  San  XavJer  del  Bac  and  Tuc- 
son. On  tlie  29tli  Cerro  Tacca  was  readied.  From 
there  Fr.  (xarces  sent  a  messenger  to  the  Pinias  on 
the  (lihi  to  notify  them  of  the  advance  of  the  expe- 
dition, in  (•oiise(|iience  of  whicli  next  day  the  chief 
of  tliree  i»ueltlos,  witii  a  large  number  of  Indians  on 
horseback,  came  to  widcome  tlie  Fathers.  He  repeat- 
edly urged  the  missionaries  to  remain  with  ])is  peo- 
ple, in  order  to  instruct  and  bai)tize  them.  The 
troops  on  tlie  olst  encamped  at  a  lagoon  near  the 
Gila  liivei-. 

'■'November  Ist   we  left  Ihe  lagiina,"  says  Fr.  Pedro 
Font,   ""at  liali   i)ast   nine  a.   m.,  and  n^  one  p.   m.    ar- 
rived at   Utnrituc.   The   Indians,  according    to  my    cal- 
culation about  one  thousand,   received   us  in  two  files, 
the  men  on  one  side,   the   women    on    the    other;    and 
when    we  alighted,   they  all  came    by    turns    to    salute 
us,   and   shake  hands   with   us,  first  the  men    and  then 
iiic    W(>men,    when    they   manifested  great  joy    at    see- 
ing   us.   They   h)(lge<l  lis    in    a    shed    of    boughs,    which 
tliey    had  erected  on  purpose,  and,  although    gentiles, 
l>lanted  a  large  cross  in  front  thereof,  and  tlien  went 
and    fetched    watei-    to    the    camp    for  the    people.    On 
All  Souls'   Day   we   thi-ee  priests  said  nine  Masses.  (7) 
''We  then  left    I'turituc  at  11  a.m.,  and  at  -5  p.   m. 
stopped  on  the  banks  of  the  Gila,  near  the  village  of 
vSutaciuison,  having  travelled  al)out  four  leagues.    The 
inliabitants    of  the    jjueblo,    some    five    hundred    souls, 
came    out    to    receive    and  salute    us    witli    demonstra- 
tions of  great  joy.   On   the  road   we  passed    two    other 
towns."    ((S)    ''In    this   small   district,"    says  Fr.    Gar- 
twenty    new    recruits;  twenty-nine  women  who  were  wives  of  soldiers;   136 
persons  of  both  sexes  belont-'i'isr  to   the   sohiiers'    families,  and   four   extra 
families  of  colonists;  sov,  ,.  muleteers,  two  interpreters,   and   three  vaiiue- 
ros — iiltoeetlier  207  desi    .I'l  for  California,  makinur  a  grand  total  of  235,  to 
say  nothiug  of  eifrlit  infants  born    oti  tlie  way.  The  live-stock  of  the   expe- 
liition  consisted  of  1(5.')  m  des,  34()  horses,  and   320    head   of    cattle."      Ban- 
croft,   Ibid. 

(7)     .V  privilege  t^njoyed  l)y  the  clergy  of  Mexico  to  this  day,  we  l)elieve. 
(S)     Fr.  Font  as  duoted   t)y  Bartlett'  "Perwnal  Narrative,'"  Vol.  II,  2C,i<, 


—  92  — 

ces,  "there  are  five  pueblos  inhabited  by  about  2,500 
Indians.  They  cultivate  extensive  fields  of  wheat, 
corn,  cotton,  calabazas,  and  various  other  kinds  of 
fruit,  for  which  purpose  good  water  ditches  surround 
and  run  through  the  fields.  The  natives  were  dressed 
in  cloaks  made  of  cotton  or  wool.'' 

When  Fr.  Garces  noticed  their  good  disposition  to- 
wards Christianity,  he  preached  to  them  in  their 
own  language,  which  was  the  same  spoken  at  his 
mission.  Meanwhile  he  explained  to  them  the  mean- 
ing of  the  picture  of  the  Blessed  Virgin,  and  then 
that  of  the  condemned  soul.  His  words  and  pictures 
produced  a  great  commotion  which  spread  among  the 
Indians  of  the  whole  country. 

"The  commandant  determined  that  we  should  rest 
to-day,"  Fr.  Font  writes,  "and  thus  we  had  an  op- 
portunity to  examine  the  large  building  called  Mon- 
tezumas  House  (Casa  Grande),  situated  at  the  dis- 
tance of  a  league  from  the  Rio  Gila,  and  three 
leagues  E.  S.  E.  of  the  laguna.  AVe  were  accompanied 
thither  by  some  Indians,  and  by  the  chief  of  Uturi- 
tuc,  who  on  his  way  related  to  us  the  history  and 
tradition  respecting  said  house  as  handed  down  from 
their  forefathers,  which  is  composed  altogether  of 
fiction  confusedly  mixed  with  some  Catholic  truths. 
We  carefully  examined  this  edifice  and  its  ruins,  of 
which  1  give  the  following  explanation  and  descrip- 
tion : 

"The  large  house,  or  palace  of  Montezuma,  accord- 
ing to  the  histories  and  meagre  account  of  it  which 
we  have  from  the  Indians,  may  have  been  built 
some  five  hundred  years  ago;  for,  as  it  appears,  this 
building  was  erected  by  the  Mexicans,  when,  during 
their  transmigration,  the  devil  led  them  through  va- 
rious countries  until  they  arrived  at  the  promised 
land  of  Mexico.  In  their  sojourns,  which  were  long 
ones,  they  built  edifices  and  formed  towns.  The 
site  on  which  this  house  is  built  is  level  on  all  sides, 


—  03  — 

and  at  the  distance  of  about  one  league  from  the 
Rio  GiLa.  The  ruins  of  the  houses  Avhicli  composed 
this  town  extend  more  than  one  league  towards  the 
east  and  other  cardinal  points;  and  all  this  land  is 
partially  covered  with  pieces  of  pots,  jars,  plates, 
etc.,  some  common  and  others  painted  with  different 
colors,  white,  blue,  red,  etc.,  whicli  is  a  sign  that 
this  has  been  a  large  town,  inhabited  by  a  people 
distinct  from  the  Pimas  of  the  Gila  River,  who  do 
not  know  how  to  manufacture  such  earthenware. 
We  made  an  exact  survey  of  this  structure  and  of 
its  location,  which  we  measured  in  the  mean  time 
with  a  lance ;  and  the  measure  I  afterwards  reduced 
to  geometrical  feet,  which  gave  a  little  more  or  less 
than  the  following  result : 

'•The  house  forms  an  oblong  square,  facing  exactly 
to  the  four  cardinal  points,  east,  west,  north,  and 
south;  and  round  about  it  there  are  ruins,  indicating 
a  fence  or  wall,  which  surrounded  the  house  and  oth- 
er buildings,  particularly  in  the  corners,  where  it 
appears  there  has  been  some  edifice  like  an  interior 
castle  or  watch-tower;  for  in  the  angle  which  faces 
towards  the  southwest  there  stands  a  ruin  with  its 
divisions  and  an  upper  story.  The  exterior  wall  ex- 
tends from  north  to  south  four  hundred  and  twenty 
feet,  and  from  east  to  w^efet  two  hundred  and  sixty 
feet.  The  interior  of  the  house  consists  of  five  halls; 
the  three  middle  ones  being  of  one  size,  but  the  two 
extreme  ones  are  longer.  The  three  middle  ones  are 
twenty-six  feet  in  length  from  north  to  south,  and 
ten  feet  in  breadth  from  east  to  west.  The  two  ex- 
treme ones  measure  twelve  feet  from  north  to  south, 
and  thirty-eight  feet  from  east  to  west.''  (9)  "All 
these  apartments  are  eleven  feet  high,  and  the  walls 
constructed  of  adobes  are  four  feet  thick."  (10) 

After  proceeding  on  their  way  for  two  leagues,  the 

(9)    Fr.  Font,  ibid ;     IStli  Annual  Report  Bureau  of  Ethnologj',  296-297. 
llO)    Arricivita,  page  462, 


ffc^     yfa^     ^SS 

expedition  arrived  at  a  laiiuiia  wliose  water  sickened 
those  that  drank  of  it,  Imt  on  continuing,  always  a- 
long  the  Giki,  a  place  called  Agua  Caliente  was 
reached.  Here  a  stop  was  made  in  order  to  give  a 
needed  rest  to  the  sick,  the  horses,  and  cattle.  A 
town  of  the  Cocomaricopas  v  as  close  l)y ;  Fr.  Garces 
therefore  took  occasion  to  i)reach  by  means  of  an  in- 
terpreter to  about  1000  Indians.  The  picture  of  the 
condemned  soul,  suppleUiented  l)y  the  fervent  ad- 
dress of  the  zealous  missionary,  caused  so  much  con- 
sternation that  they  desired  to  ])ec()me  Christians 
in  order  to  escape  hell. 

After  marching  for  tliree  da>s  the  party  crossed 
the  River  Gila,  and  on  the  iifteenth  they  rested  near 
some  Indian  rancherias  where  ¥y.  (Jarces'  pictures 
had  a  similar  effect  to  that  produced  among  other 
Indians.  In  one  place  an  old  Indian  made  a  remark- 
able reply  to  the  Father.  When  the  missionary  pro- 
posed that  all  the  men  c  )me  togetiier  in  order  that 
the  commander  of  the  troops  might  appoint  one  to 
act  as  chief  or  judge,  this  old  Indian  answered  :  'Be- 
liold,  Father,  justice  exists  to  punish  the  bad;  but 
our  people  are  not  bad.  AVhy  then  have  justice?  You 
Spaniards  Imve  already  seen  that  we  do  not  steal, 
we  do  !iot  quarrel;  and  though  we  have  one  wife, 
we  have  no  license  to  commit  anything  had.' (11) 

(11)  "Mira,  Padre,  el  Justicia  es  para  castigar  lo  malo;  pues  no  siendo  no- 
sotros  malos;  para  que  es  la  Justicia?  Ya  liabeis  visto  los  Espanoles,  que 
no  hurtamos,  que  uo  refiimos,  y  annque  estemos  cerca  de  una  inuser,  no 
tenenios  licencia  de  hacer  una  cosa  mala."  "It  is  not  easy  to  believe  in 
such  a  degree  of  virtue,"  says  Arricivita ;  "but  if  true  we  must  admire  the 
natural  light  of  reason  which  the  Lord  liad  bestowed  upon  those  barbari- 
ans, by  means  of  which  they  could  know  His  Commandments,  which  seem 
to  be  effaced  in  the  detestible  ways  of  many  ( "Mtliolics."  The  writer,  from 
California  to  Michigan,  never  found  a  tribe  of  Indians  tliat  could  truly 
speak  as  the  old  Indian  did;  nor  does  he  believe  they  existed  anywhere 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  States ;  or  if  so  they  have  degene- 
rated to  a  low  degree.  It  must  be  observed  that,  in  the  sight  of  a  Christ- 
inn,  many  things  are  wrong  that  cause  an  Indian  no  scruples  whatever. 
When  among  the  Yumas  years  ago,  the  writer  questioned  a  pagan : 
"Where  do  the  bad  Yumas  go  when  they  die?"  He  shook  liis  head  and 
declared:  "We  have  no  bad  Indians."  Yet,  their  women  and  girls  especial- 
ly were  very  lascivious. 


The  expedition  now  advanced  more  slowly  on  ac- 
count of  the  women.  After  three  (hiys  they  recrossed 
the  Gila,  and  on  the  tentli  of  November  came  to  the 
Cerro  de  Metate.  Here  a  Vnma  Indian  told  them, 
m  the  name  of  Ohief  Palma,  that  a  hearty  welcome 
awaited  them  amono-  the  Yumas  and  Jalchediines  at 
the  junction  of  tlie  rivers.  Two  days  latter  Chief 
Talma,  his  brother,  and  another  chief  came  to  meet 
Anza  and  his  followin-  A  third  time  the  (iUa  was 
crossed,  and  on  the  next  day  the  Spaniards  were  en- 
camped under  a  shed  constructed  by  the  Yumas  for 
their  white  2:uests. 

Very  soon  many  Indians  of  both  sexes  appeared  in 
festival  array,  when  in  the  ])resenee  of  all  the  treaty 
formed  between  the  two  tribes  of  the  Yumas  and 
Oocomaricopas  was  ratified.  The  junction  of  the  Gila 
with  the  Colorado  was  only  one  leai>ue  distant  from 
the  camp.  The  fore  part  of  the  next  day  was  spent 
in  passino-  the  soldiers,  coh^nists,  horses,'  and  cattle 
over  the  Rio  Colorado.  It  was  accomplished  without 
accident  by  one  o'clock.  The  width  of  the  river  was 
found  to  be  400  yards,  and  the  depth  onlv  one  yard, 
as  this  was  the  season  for  low  water.  A  dwellino-  was 
now  constructed  at  the  rancheria  of  Chief  Palma,  op- 
posite the  mouth  of  the  Gila,  for  Fathers  Garces 'and 
Eyzarch,  who,  accordin-  to  the  directions  of  the 
viceroy,  were  to  remain  with  these  Indians  durin- 
the  time  of  the  expedition,  in  order  to  find  suita])le 
sites  for  the  })rop(^sed  missions. 

On  the  5tli  of  December  the  expedition  proceeded 
on  its  way  for  four  days  when  it  reached  the  lamina 
de  Santa  Olaya.  A  number  of  Cajuenche  Indians  ajr 
peared  there  with  eataldes  for  the  wanderers,  in 
return  they  received  tobacco,  -lass  beads,  and  other 
thin-s.  More  than  3000  Indians  flocked  tooether  at 
the  lai^oon  to  gaze  at  the  novel  si-lit.  On  the  24th  of 
January  1776  all  arrived  at  San  Gabriel,  which  was 
m     charue    of   Franciscans    from    the    orent    monnsterv 


—  m  — 

of  Sail  Fernando,  Mexico.  About  the  same  time  Kiv- 
era,  the  governor  of  California,  passed  through  San 
Gabriel  on  his  way  to  San  Diego  to  punish  the  In- 
dians at  that  place  for  the  murder  of  Fr.  Jaume 
(Jaynie)  on  November  4th.  Don  Anza  left  the  expe- 
dition at  San  Gabriel  and  went  with  Rivera  to  San 
Diego  accompanied  by  Fr.  Font  and  seventeen  sol- 
diers. They  returned  on  the  12th  of  February  and  re- 
sumed tlie  march  to  the  coast  on  the  21st.  On  the  2d 
of  March  the  immigrants  reached  San  Luis  Obispo, 
where  next  day  Don  Anza  stood  as  godfather  to  sev- 
eral native  cliildren  baptized  by  Fr.  Font.  Four  days 
later  they  entered  Mission  San  Antonio,  and  finally, 
on  the  lOtli  of  March  all  arrived  safely  at  the  presi- 
dio of  Monterey.  Next  morning  Fr.  Junipero  Serra, 
the  ijresident  of  the  missions  in  California,  with  four 
religious  came  to  congratulate  the  commander  and  Fr. 
Font  upon  the  safe  termination  of  their  long  journey. 
Then  both  turned  to  pay  a  visit  to  Mission  San  Cdr- 
los  del  Carmelo,  where  they  were  welcomed  by  seven 
other  Franciscans  singing  the  Te  Deum  Laudamus. 
Commander  Anza  here  was  attacked  with  a  severe 
pain  in  the  thigh  which  compelled  him  to  take  to  his 
bed.  It  was  not  till  eleven  days  after  tliat  he  could 
mount  his  horse  and  proceed  with  Fr.  Font  to  the 
port  of  San  Francisco.  Four  days  later  they  came  to 
a  lagoon  or  spring  in  the  immediate  neighborhood  of 
the  i)ort.  After  erecting  a  cross  at  the  ''mouth  of 
the  port,"  now  know  as  Lobos  Creek,  they  returned 
to  Monterey  on  the  8th  of  April.  They  had  been 
unable  to  converse  with  the  natives  near  the  port, 
as  those  Indians  spoke  a  dialect  entirely  different 
from  any  known  to  them.  On  the  14th  of  April, 
having  turned  over  his  company,  and  all  connected 
with  the  proposed  Mission  of  San  Francisco,  to  Mora- 
ga,  Don  Anza  began  his  return  march  with  Fr.  Pedro 
Font  and  twenty  men.  Fr.  Font  says  there  were  193 
souls  of  the  new  colony  left  at  Monterey.    About   fif- 


—  97  — 

teen  days  later  they  again  appeared  at  Mission  San 
Gabriel.   (12) 

After  resting  for  some  time  Don  Anza,  Fr.  Font, 
and  the  soldiers  set  out  for  the  Colorado,  and  on 
the  11th  of  May  reached  the  I'nerto  de  la  Con- 
cept'ion,  jnst  below  Palma's  rancheria,  nearly,  if  not 
exactly,  identical  with  the  site  of  the  modern  Fort 
Yuma,  Calif.,  now  utilized  as  an  Indian  school  in 
charge  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph.  They  found  that 
Fr.  Eyzarch  and  Chief  Falma  had  removed  their 
habitations  to  a  more  elevated  location  on  account  of 
the  overflow  of  the  Colorado.  Fr.  Garces  had  gone  a- 
way  long  before  in  order  to  visit  other  Indian  tribes. 
On  hearing  that  he  w-.s  among  the  Jalchedunes, 
Colonel  Anza  sent  an  Indian  messenger  with  a  letter 
to  Fr.  Garces,  requesting  him  to  return  within  three 
days  in  order  to  accompany  the  troops  homeward.  As 
neither  missionary  nor  Indian  appeared,  it  was 
thought  that  he  had  penetrated  into  New  Mexico,  or 
that  possibly  he  was  sick,  or  had  been  killed.  With- 
out waiting  the  commander  moved  the  troops  at-ross 
the  river  by  means  of  rafts  on  the  Mth.    (13) 

Chief  Palma  had  often  conversed  with  Fr.  Eyz- 
arch about  the  glories  of  the  Church,  Spanish  gran- 
deur, and  other  topics  of  interest,  so  that  he  deter- 
mined to  accompany  the  Spaniards  to  see  the  vice- 
roy. He  therefore  requested  Fr.  Eyzarch  to  obtain 
Don  Anza's  consent.  The  commander  agreed  to  the 
proposition,  and  thus  it  was  that  Palma,  his  l)roth- 
er,  the  son  of  Chief  Pablo,  and  a  Cajuenche  Indian 
had  the  opportunity  of  presenting  their  petition  for 
missionaries  to  the  court  of  Mexico  themselves. 

Following  the  banks  of  the  Gila  for  two  days, 
they  turned  to  the  right,  and  arrived  at  San  Miguel 
de  Horcasitas  by  way  of  Sonoita,  Caborca,    and  Altar 

(12)  Arricivita,  462-465.  See  "Franciscans  in  California,"  74,  79,  i:J8,  227,  26t., 
282,  290;  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal. ;  Hist.  Texas,  Vol.  I.;  Hist.  Arizona;  Palou, 
Vida  del  Janipsro  Serra,  159;  187-1S7;  204-5.      {V.))    Arricivita,  407,  477,  489. 


—  98  — 

on  the  first  of  June.  The  trip  had  lasted  145  days, 
durinji  which,  under  the  protection  of  Our  Lady  of 
Guadalupe,  they  had  marched  more  than  1150 
leagues  without  any  mishap  worth  recording.   (14) 

(U)      Arricivita,  46,S;     Bancroft.  Hist.  California,  Vol.  I,  273. 

Th^  diary  liopt  by  Anza,  Fr.  Font,  and  Fr.  Garc^s  of  the  expedition 
through  Arizona  was  as  follows:  October  23d,  1775,  Tubac  to  La  Canoa,  4 
leagues;  24th,  to  Llano  Grande  or  Punta  de  los  Llanos,  4  1.;  2ijth,  to  San 
Xavier  del  Bac,  5  1. ;  26th,  to  a  point  one  league  past  Tucson,  (Tuison,  or 
or  Tuquison,)  5  1.;  27th,  to  Tutuetac,  or  Frento  Negra  Mts,  or  Llano  del  A- 
zotado,  .5  1.  ;  28th,  to  Ditt-pax,  pueblo  viejo,  or  Oitapars  (^Oytapayts),  6  1.; 
29th,  to  Bajiode  Aquituno,  Quitac,  Ttacca,  or  Mt.  Taceo,  5  1.;  30th,  to  Ca- 
mani,  or  La  Laguna,  on  tlie  Gila,  10  1. ;  31st,  devoted  to  rest  and  to  an  ex- 
amination of  the  Casa  Grande;  Nov.  1st,  down  the  river  to  Tutunitucan, 
or  S.  Juan  Capistrano  de  Uturituc  (Utilltuc),  4  1.;  2d,  to  Encarnacion  Su- 
taquison,  last  of  the  Pimas  (other  Pima  rancherias  were  S.  Andres,  Tu- 
buscabors,  Atison,  and  S.  Serafino  del  Napcub),  2  or  4  1.;  3d,  to  Laguna 
del  Hospital,  not  far  above  the  junction  of  the  Asuncion,  2  1.;  4th  to  6th, 
detained  by  illness  of  a  woman;  7th  s.  w.,  to  cut  off  the  bend,  to  Puerto 
de  los  Cocomaricopas,  6  1.;  J:th,  to  SS.  Simon  y  Judds  de  Opasoitac,  or 
Uparsoitac,  or  Posociom,  7  1.  ;  11th,  to  rancherias  de  S.  Martin  of  the  O- 
pas,  IVi  1.;  12th,  to  San  Diego  on  the  river,  4  1.;  13th,  to  Rinconada,  or  Ari- 
toac,  across  the  river,  4  1. ;  14th,  to  Agua  Caliente,  4  1. ;  16th,  to  San  Ber- 
nardino, 7  1.;  17tli,  to  El  Pescadero,  in  the  Yuma  country,  ly^l. ;  18th,  to 
S.  Pascual,  recrossing  the  river,  3  1. ;  22d,  to  hill  of  Santa  Cecilia,  or  Meta- 
te,  5  1. ;  25th,  to  Laguna  Salada,  4  1. ;  26th,  to  cerros  del  Cajon,  4  1. ;  27th, 
to  L")?  Carritos,  3  1.;  2Sth,  to  junction  of  the  Gila  and  Colorado,  which 
was  c#ossed,  4  1. ;  December  4th,  off  for  Monterey.  The  route  followed  was 
nearly  the  same  as  in  Anza's  trip,  and  substantially  that  of  the  modern 
railroad  through  Coahuila  VaDey  and  San  Gorgonio  Pass.  The  first  halt 
was  at  the  rancherias  of  San  Pablo,  or  of  Chief  Pablo,  as  Fr.  Font  says, 
whore  a  mission  was  founded  later  on  between  3  and  4  leagues  from  the 
junction.  The  distances  are  from  Anza;  Fr.  Font  often  makes  them 
preator. 

The  return  march  from  the  Colorado  was  as  follows:  May  14t.h,  crossing 
of  the  Colorado  below  the  Gila ;  15th,  up  the  Gila  to  Cerros  del  Cajon, 
5  1.;  (or  7) ;  ISth,  to  tha  Laguna  Salada,  7  1.  (or  4) ;  17th,  leaving  the  river 
for  the  southeast  to  Pozos  do  Enmedio,  or  Zacatal  Duro,  8  1.  (or  11)  ;  ISth, 
o.  s.  c.  past  Tinaja.-:  de  Candolaria  to  Puerto  Blanco,  or  Llano  del  Fuzal 
9  1.  (or  18)  ;  19th,  southeast  to  Arroyo  del  Sonoitac,  or  Carrlfal,  8  1.  (or 
lO) ;  20tli,  past  the  ruined  mission  of  S.  Marcelo  de  Sonoitat,  12  1.;  21st, 
rtist  San  Luis  Quitobac  to  San  Juan  do  Mata,  14  1.  (or  17)  ;  22d,  past 
San  EJuardo  ds  Aritiicipla  to  San  Udefonsd,  llVj  1.  (15);  23d,  to  Cabbrca) 
t)  1;    Bancroft;    Hist.    Arizona,    392-393. 


—  99 


OHAPTEK  VIII. 


The  Missionary  Toue  Of  Fr.  Franc.  Garces  Along   The  Colorado  And 
Through  Southern  California— His  Reception  Everywhere. 


"Fr.  Francisco  Garces  was  never  more  happy  than 
when  engaged  in  converting  sonls  from  paganism," 
says  Arricivita;  "and  it  seemed  as  thongh  he  lived 
on  the  bread  of  Divine  Providence  alone.  He  carried 
no  provisions,  but  subsisted  upon  what  the  Indians 
would  offer  him.  No  road,  be  it  ever  so  rough  or 
dangerous,  could  deter  him;  the  most  perilous  situa- 
tions were  sweet  to  him,  if  only  he  could  give  the 
natives  an  idea  of  Almighty  God  who  created  them, 
and  of  the  loving  Savior  who  redeemed  them." 

With  such  a  disposition  the  famous  traveller  be- 
gan a  journey  which  Avas  indeed  apostolic.  Leaving 
his  companion,  Fr.  Tomas  Eyzarch  at  Talma's  ran- 
cheria,  opposite  tlie  mouth  of  the  Gila,  he  started 
Out  on  December  6th,  1775,  to  visit  the  tribes  along 
the  Colorado  doAvn  to  where  it  enters  the  Gulf  of 
Calif drilifl.  He  travelled  without  other  baggage  than 
liis  breviary,  one  tunic,  and  the  picture  of  Our  La- 
dy, aild  without  other  escort  thaii  a  California  In- 
dian and  two  Pima  interpi*etei-s,  Who  carried  a  little* 
stock  of  tobacco  and  glass  beads  with  which  to  gaiii 
the  good  will  of  the  natives;  He  reached  tlie  rancher- 
ia  of  chief  Pablo  on  the  same  day.  At  the  first  op- 
l^ortunity  he  addressed  the  Indians  on  the  divine 
mysteries  and  the  last  things  of  inan,  illustrating  hi^ 
speech  by  means  of  the  picture  of  the  Blessed  Vii'^ 
gin  and  that  of  the  condemned  souL 


—  100  — 

From  this  band  of  Yiimas  Fr.  Garces   passed   on   to 
the  Lagiina  de  Santa  EuLalia  (Ohiya),  where  he   once 
more    met    Fr.    Pedro    Font    with    Anza's    expedition. 
He    now    turned    to    the    country    of    the    Cajuenches 
where   he   was   lieartily   welcomed.    After    instructing 
them  through  the  interpreters  on  the  truths   of  relig- 
ion,   he    explained    his    pictures.    That    of    Our    Lady 
pleased  the  people  exceedingly,    but    at    sight    of    the 
condemned   soul   they   showed   such   horror   that   they 
would  not  look  at  it  again.  Wlien  Fr.    Garces   visited 
this  tribe  in  1771,    (1)  he  found  their  land  uncultiva- 
ted,   but  now    it    was    covered    with  vegetation     and 
fruits.    He    inquired   into   the   cause    of    this    change, 
and  was  told  that,  since  he  had  seen  them  last,    they 
had  lived  in  peace  with  the   Yumas,    and    that   there- 
fore everything  had  prosjjered  among   them.    For   this 
reason  they  showed  particular   alfection    for   the   mis- 
sionary, and  offered  him  so  many  things  that,  he  de- 
clared,   there    was    a   veritable   confusion   of   melons, 
corn,    bread,    atoles   of   seeds,    and    fishes.   Every   day 
the   crowd    of   hearers    increased.    He    also    instructed 
and  baptized  an    Indian   who   had   received    an    arrow 
wound  from  which  he  died  a  few  hours  after. 

Fr.  Garces  had  determined  to  visit  the  Cucapas 
who  resided  near  the  mouth  of  the  Colorado;  l)ut  as 
these  were  hostile  to  the  Cajuenclies,  the  latter  in- 
timidated the  interpreters  so  that  they  refused  to  ac- 
company him.  He  then  visited  the  Tallicuamais  who 
received  him  with  much  pleasure.  He  observed  that 
these  Indians  were  much  cleaner  tiian  the  Yumas  or 
Cajuenches.  After  conversing  with  them  as  well  as 
he  could  on  the  subjects  dear  to  his  heart,  he  exhib- 
ited the  pictures  with  the  same  result  as  among  the 
members  of  other  tribes.  He  then  resolved  to  cross 
the  river  to  find  the  Cucapas,  l)ut  on  ])eing  informed 
that    the    whole    country    was     deserted    on    account 

(1)    Arricivita,  420;  154;    See  page  56  this  work 


—  101  — 

of   the  incursions   of   hostile    Indians,    he   reluctantly 
returned  to  the  country  of  tlie  Cajuenches, 

From  there  Fr.  Francisco,  accompanied  only  ])y 
the  Indian  named  Sebastian,  proceeded  to  the  lai^oon 
of  8an  Mateo,  whose  Indians  helped  him  reach  the 
other  bank  of  the  river  where  the  territory  of  tlieir 
enemies,  the  Gucapas,  began.  The  land  lay  waste, 
indeed,  as  it  had  been  the  battle  ground  where  Yu- 
mas,  Cajuenches,  and  Tallicuamais  had  fouglit  a- 
gainstlthe  Cncapas  (Cocopas). 

Next  day  he  met  some  Cncapa  Indians  who  had 
expected  him.  They  led  the  missionary  to  tlieir  ran- 
cherias  where  he  was  kindly  received.  An  old  Indian 
offered  his  hut  to  the  Father,  who,  availing  himself 
of  an  old  Pima  woman  for  an  interpreter,  began 
at  once  to  instruct  his  hearers  regarding  the  henelits 
of  peace  with  other  trit)es.  They  readily  admitted 
his  arguments.  Unfortunately  Fr.  Garces  had  left  his 
l)ictures  at  the  camp  of  the  Oajuenclies;  instead  of 
these  he  showed  tlie  poor  (Jucapas  his  breviary  and 
the   crucifix   which  they  kissed  reverently. 

Proceeding  he  passed  through  several  ranclierias, 
and  then  found  himself  in  a  sandy  desert  without 
fresh  water.  After  v.'andering  about  for  some  time, 
he  luckily  met  with  some  Indians  who  in  1771  liad 
assisted  him  to  cross  the  river.  They  led  liim  to  their 
rancherias  where  he  was  liospitably  entertained.  In 
return  the  missionary  instructed  them  in  the  truths 
of  religion.  Tliey  kindly  showed  him  the  Avay  to  the 
mouth  of  the  ('olorado,  where  he  passed  a  night. 
Leaving  the  Oucapas  he  visited  tlie  camps  of  the  Ser- 
ranos,  to  whom  in  a  former  visit  he  had  applied  the 
name  Danzarines.  Fr.  Garces  now  folk)wed  tlie  course 
of  the  river  upward  and  arrived  at  the  Puerto  de 
la  Concepcion  on  the  3d  of  January,  received  by 
the  Yamas  with  shouts  of  joy.  During  those  28  days 
of  travel  the  Father  had  seen  and  instructed  about 
3,000  Cajuenches,  2,000  Tallicuamais,  and  3,000   Cuca- 


-  M  — 

JDas,  who  all  had  manifested  a  desire  to  have  inis- 
sionaries   in   their   territories. 

Fr.  Garc6s  was  much  pleased  with  the  solicitude 
of  Chief  Palma  and  his  Indians  for  Fr.  Tomas  Ej'z- 
arch.  They  had  provided  him  with  everything,  as 
thongh  they  were  members  of  a  mission  long  estab- 
lished. He  was  still  more  surprised  to  hear  the  boys 
sing  religions  liymns  taught  them  by  Fr.  Tomas. 
Many  of  the  older  Indians  also  attended  Holy  Mass, 
attracted  by  the  example  of  Chief  Palma,  who  as- 
sisted with  much  lively  devotion,  striking  his  breast 
and  blessing  himself  as  though  he  were  a  real  Chris- 
tian, and  not  the  unbaptized  head  of  a  pagan  tribe. 
Fr.  Tomas  had  employed  his  time  well.  The  Yavipais 
and  Cocomaj'icopas  now  reported  that  the  Rio  Gila 
had  begun  to  rise,  wherefore  the  two  Fathers  moved 
their  residence  from  Falma's  rancheria  to  a  small  el- 
evation of  land  which  they  called  Puerto,  or  Porte- 
zuelo  de  Concepcion,  the  site,  as  already  stated,  of 
the  modern  Fort  Yuma,  California.  They  also  exam- 
ined the  rancheria,  or  puerto^  of  San  Pablo  down  the 
river,  and  pronounced  it  a  suitable  site  for  a  mis- 
sion. Here  Indians  flocked  together  from  different 
tribes,  entreating  the  Fathers  to  come  and  reside 
with  their  people. 

At  this  time  an  Indian  of  the  Quemaya  (Quema- 
yab)  tribe  brought  the  news  that  two  or  three  na- 
tions had  attacked  the  Spaniards  on  the  coast,  killed 
the  missionary,  and  burnt  the  pueblo.  (2)  Fr.  Garces 
paid  little  attention  to  this  story,  for  he  had  not 
heard  of  the  murder  of  Fr.  Luis  Jaume  which  had 
occurred  three  months  before;  yet  he  lost  no  oppor- 
tunity to  insist  on  the  necessity  of  maintaining  the 
most  friendly  relations  with  the  Indian  tribes. 

The  Yavipais  Tehuas,  indomitable  Apaches,  also 
visited   the   Fathers.    Fr.  Garces   endeavored    to   have 

K- — ' — — 

(2)    See  '  'Franciscans  in  California,  222-226.*' 


—  l03  — 

them  make  peace  ■with  their  neighbors,  a  matter 
which  he  was  constantly  urging  upon  the  natives  for 
their  own  sake.  The  Apaches  replied  that  they 
would  return  to  their  people  and  let  him  know  tiie 
result.  The  Jalchedunes  were  now  eagerly  requesting 
the  Father  to  go  to  their  country.  He  consented  on 
condition  that  they  led  him  to  the  camps  of  the  Ja- 
ma jabs  (Yamajab),  as  tlie  Mojaves  were  originally 
called.  This  they  declined  to  do,  because  they  were 
not  on  friendly  terms  with  the  Jamajal)S.  A  Jama- 
jab,  however,  happened  to  be  at  Yuma;  under  his 
guidance  the  indefatigable  traveller  and  peacemaker 
resolved  to  visit  that  tribe  in  company  of  the  In- 
dian  Sebastian   and    two  interpreters. 

On  the  l-4th  of  February,  1776,  he  took  leave  of 
Fr.  Tomas  and  started  up  the  west  side  of  the  Ivio 
Colorado.  After  eight  days  of  rough  toil  they  en- 
countered about  800  Jamajab  Indians  who  were  on 
their  way  down  to  the  Yuma  country  to  see  the  mis- 
sionaries, and  profit  by  the  peace  that  had  l)een 
brought  about  there. 

Two  captive  Jalchedune  girls  were  reluctantly  re- 
leased at  the  request  of  Fr.  Garces,  but  not  until  a 
horse  and  other  things  had  been  oifered  in  return. 
Four  days  after,  in  company  of  the  Jamajab  chief 
and  some  of  his  men,  he  reached  a  current  of  water 
whence  he  turned  in  the  direction  of  the  Jalchedune 
territory.  The  two  women  with  the  old  interpreter 
were  sent  ahead  to  their  people,  and  the  latter  noti- 
fied that  the  Jamajabs  were  their  enemies  no  longer, 
and  that  war  should  cease.  On  receiving  this  mes- 
sage the  chief  of  the  Jalchedunes  made  a  speech, 
and,  in  order  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  there  was 
peace,  he  broke  his  bow  and  arrows. 

On  descending  a  sierra  400  Chemevet  Indians  were 
seen  who  received  the  Father  very  kindly.  They  in- 
habited the  banks  of  the  Colorado  down  to  the  Yum- 
a  country,  but   spoke   a  dialect   of   their   own.    Going 


--  104  -- 

Onward  for  three  days,  Fr.  Garces  arrived  at  the  ran- 
clierias  of  the  Jamajabs,  or  rather  opposite,  for  they 
lived  on  the  east  of  tlie  river,  between  what  are  now 
the  Needles  and  Fort  Mojave.  (3)  Dnring  his  short 
stay  2,000  natives  came  across  the  Colorado  to  see 
the  first  white  man  that  had  ever  been  in  that  re' 
gion.  The  zealons  missionary,  according  to  his  cns- 
toni,  addressed  all  on  the  principal  points  of  faith, 
and  especially  urged  them  to  live  in  peace  with  oth- 
er Indians,  which  was  his  favorite  subject.  Thereup- 
on they  earnestly  asked  him  to  make  his  home  with 
them  and  to  baptize  them ;  for  they  seemed  to  com- 
prehend that  by  this  means  everything  good  would 
come  to  them.  Fr.  Garces  was  very  favorably  im- 
l^ressed  with  their  manners,  for  he  writes  in  his 
diary  :  "I  can  say  with  truth  that  these  Indians  are 
superior  to  the  Yumas  and  the  other  tribes  which  I 
have  so  far  seen  on  the  Colorado ;  they  are  less  trou- 
blesome, and  they  do  not  steal.  As  I  am  the  first 
Spaniard  who  entered  their  country,  they  made  much 
of  this  event."  It  was  impossible  for  Fr.  Garces  to 
get  away  as  soon  as  he  desired,  because  of  the 
crowds  of  Indians  that  came  to  see  him.  Three  chiefs 
also  wanted  to  become  acquainted  with  the  Father, 
and  the  principal  one  of  these  was  so  pleased  with 
the  missionary  that  he  declared  none  o"  his  follow- 
ers should  do  anything  against  the  priest's  wishes; 
he  urged  Fr.  Garces  to  say  what  should  be  done.  The 

(y)  This  being  the  first  exploration  of  most  of  this  region,  or  of  all  west 
of  the  river,  the  route  is  here  given  in  full.  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion,  6.5 
1.  n,  \v. ;  2  1.  \v.  n.  \v.  tlirougli  pass  in  Sierra  de  S.  Pablo  to  S.  Marcelo 
watering-place :  .">  1.  u.  w.  in  sight  of  Cabeza  del  Gigaute  in  the  east,  Gran- 
de Modanal,  and  vicinity  of  S.  Sabastian.  passing  near  Peiion  de  la  Cam- 
pana  ;  8  1.  n.  and  n.  n.  w.  through  pass  in  the  sierra  on  north  of  the  Me- 
danal  to  San  Jos6  watering-place  'A'A  degrees  and  28  minutes;  3.5  1.  n.  n. 
w,  and  o.  n.  e.  across  sierra  to  a  valley;  6  1.  n.  n.  w.  and  e.  n.  e:  6  1.  e. 
u,  e.  and  n.  into  Sierra  of  Santa  Margarita  to  banks  of    Colorado,  across 

valley  to  watering-place  in  33  degress  25   minutes;    1.5   1     w. ;  6  or  11  1.  n. 

w.  and  w.  n.  w.  to   Tinajas  del   Tezquien,    one  day's  journey  from  river; 

S  1.  (or  0  1.)  n.  n.  w.  and  n,    across   a   sierra,   to   Santo    Angel  springs   3i 

degress  and  31  niLuutes  (in  Chemehueves  country);  6  1.  n.  e.  and  n.  w. ; 
7    1.  n.    n.  e.  across    a  sierra   to    Yamayab   nation,   whose  rancherias.   La 

Pasioii,  wore  across  the  river.  (Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal.  I,  275.) 


—  105  — 

latter  then  spoke  about  the  truths  of  the  Gospel  to 
the  great  satisfaction  of  the  chief. 

Fr.  Garces  now  expressed  a  desire  to  visit  the  mis- 
sionaries on  the  coast  of  California.  Some  of   the   In- 
dians at   once    ottered    to    guide    hir;i,    as    they    knew 
the  road  quite  well.    Leaving   most   of   his    not    bulky 
effects  and  one  of  his  interpreters  behind,  he  set   out 
for    the     west  with  Sebastian  and   the   head    chief    of 
the     Jama  jabs     until     the    ranch    of    the  -chief    was 
reached.  The  chief  of  the   Chemevet   Indians   awaited 
him  there  for  the  purpose  of  seeing   and   hearing   the 
Father.  To  gratify  the    Indians    Fr.    Garc^s    spoke   on 
his  favorite  theme :    the   knowledge    of    divine    truths 
and  peace  among   the    tril)es.    Next   day    with    a    feAV 
Jamajabs    he    continued    his  march    over    very    rough 
roads,  suffering  a  great  deal  from    rain    and   cold    for 
twelve  days.  Their  provisions  then    gave    out    so    that 
the  little  party    was   compelled    to  slaughter    a  horse, 
and  to  subsist  on  this  until  some    settlement   of  peo- 
ple could  be  found.  As  the  cold  was  intense,  and  his 
two  Indian  guides   were   naked,    except  for    a   breech 
cloth,  Fr.  Garces   gave  his  own  tunic  to  one   and    the 
blanket   to   the   otlier.  After  four  days   more   of   toil- 
some    travelling   they    found    themselves    at   the   first 
rancheria   of   the   Beiieme   Indians,    where    they    were 
received   most   hospitably.  At  the  ranch  of   the  chief, 
a    league    distant    farther    onward,    Fr.     Garces    met 
with   a   hearty  welcome    from  the    chief   and  his   two 
wives.     Several     rancherias    were    visited,    in    all    of 
which    the    missionary    experienced    kind    treatment. 
Five  days  later  the  wanderer   was  heartily    welcomed 
by  his  brethren    at  San  Gabriel.  Fr.  Garces  had  been 
at    this    mission   establishment    with    Anza    in    1774, 
finding  it  "muy  adelantada  en   lo    spiritual   y    tempo- 
ral," and   remained  for  over  two  weeks. 

On  leaving  the  Jamajabs  on  the  Colorado  Fr.  Gar- 
ces had  intended  to  proceed  directly  to  San  Luis  O- 
bispo,  in  order  to  ascertain  whether  or  not  communi- 


~  l06  ~ 

fcation  could  be  maintained  overland  between  Sonora, 
Monterey,  Calif.,  and  New  Mexico,  as  the  viceroy 
hoped;  but  the  Jamajab  guides  refused  to  pass  with 
iiim  through  the  territory  of  their  enemies.  He  then 
determined  to  go  up  to  8an  Luis  Obispo  by  the  high- 
Way,  and  tlience  to  return  eastward  across  the  tu- 
lares  to  the  Colorado.  On  applying  to  the  corporal  of 
the  mission  guard  for  an  escort  and  supplies  for  the 
trip,  he  was  refused.  Rivera,  to  whom  he  appealed 
at  San  Diego,  also  refused  to  allow  '^he  favor.  The 
commandant  soon  arrived,  however,  on  his  way  to 
Monterey,  and  a  discussion  foHowed,  wliich  tinally  e- 
licited  from  Kivera,  after  various  excuses,  the  dec- 
laration that  he  had  no  orders  from  the  viceroy  to 
grant  what  Fr.  Garces  asked ;  that  he  did  not  wish 
any  communication  between  the  natives  of  the  Colo- 
rado and  those  of  the  missions;  and  that  he  had  al- 
ready taken  steps  to  prevent  it  by  ordering  the  ar- 
rest of  eastern  Indians  who  came  to  the  missions  to 
trade. 

Fr.  Garces  was  not  pleased  with  tlie  measures  tak- 
en by  Rivera,  because  they  would  only  serve  to  ex- 
cite the  Indians  against  the  white  people.  Nor  could 
the  killing  of  the  missionary  and  the  destruction  of 
mission  San  Diego,  be  a  sufficient  reason  for  un- 
friendliness towards  the  innocent  Colorado  Indians, 
since  Fr.  Junipero  himself  had  interceded  with  the 
viceroy  for  the  very  perpetrators  of  the  crime.  After 
all,  Fr.  Arricivita  justly  remarks,  tliat  uprising  of 
the  Indians,  like  others,  was  due  to  the  outrages 
suffered  by  them  at  the  hands  of  the  soldiers,  and 
especially  deserters.  The  Fathers  at  San  Gabriel,  how- 
ever, sui)plied  the  traveller  with  provisions  which 
enabled  him  to  carry  out  his  plans  partially,  though 
lie  did  not  venture  along  the  Channel  shores.   (4) 

Leaving  San  Gabriel  on  the  9th  of  April,  Fr.  Gar- 
ces   travelled    for    five    days    to    a    cienega    or    marsh. 

(4)    Arricivita,  472-i7i;       Bancroft,  Hist.    Cal.  I,    274-27G. 


Here  one  of  his  Jamajab  p;uides  fell  sick;  the  Fatliei? 
therefore  remained  with  him,  and  nursed  and  in- 
structed him  until  the  Indian  was  able  to  travel  ten 
days  later.  Meanwhile  tlie  zealous  missionary  em- 
ployed his  time  in  visiting:;  the  surrounding-  rancheri- 
as.  In  one  of  them  he  discovered  a  sick  old  man 
who  happened  to  be  the  father  of  the  Jamajab  chief. 
After  instructing'  him  tlirough  Sebnstian,  Fr.  Garces 
baptized  him.  A  number  of  Benames,  together  with 
five  Jamajahs,  came  to  the  rancheria  and  invited  tlie 
Father  to  visit  their  people.  He  therefore  accompan- 
ied them  over  a  sierra,  Avhen  the  sick  guide  had 
recovered,  and  was  hospitably  entertained  by  the 
Beiiames.  After  instructing  them  on  the  principal 
j)oints  of  faith,  Fr.  Garces  proceeded  on  his  Avay  to 
the  tribe  of  the  Cuabajais.  As  one  of  the  Jama- 
jab guides  Avore  the  Father's  tunic  and  the  otlier 
was  covered  with  the  blanket,  they  were  at  first  tak- 
en for  Spaniards.  They  were  asked  whether  the  mis- 
sionary lielonged  to  the  east  or  the  west.  When  the 
Cubabajais  learned  that  the  Father  came  from  the 
east,  they  dropped  their  suspicions  and  reserve;  and 
hastily  recalling  the  children,  who  had  concealed 
themselves  in  the  mountains  for  fear  of  the  Span- 
iards, they  gladly  listened  to  what  the  white  man 
had  to  say.  Thus  the  very  missionaries  had  fallen  in- 
to bad  repute  with  the  natives  on  account  of  what 
they  had  seen  of  the  soldiers,  and  particularly  the 
deserters.  The  Cuabajais  also  reverently  kissed  the 
Father's  crucifix.  At  nightfall  Fr.  Garces  recited  the 
rosary  with  Seljastian  and  the  two  Jamajabs,  who  by 
this  time  had  learned  the  Ave  Maria.  Whilst  these 
prayers  were  said  all  dancing  and  noisy  plays  of  the 
Indians  ceased. 

On  the  following  day  the  chief  accompanied  the 
Father  to  the  next  rancheria,  but  he  would  not  go 
farther,  nor  would  his  guides  proceed,  because  they 
and  the  Indians  in  that  direction,  called  Noches,  were 


—  108  — 

not  on  friendly  terms  with  one  another.  Finally'  Fr. 
Garces  discovered  a  Noche  Indian  Avho  was  married 
to  a  Cuabajais  -woman.  With  this  Indian  he  set  out 
and  wandered  north  until  he  came  to  a  wide  river 
through  which  an  Indian  carried  him.  At  one  of  the 
rancherias  Fr.  Garces  passed  the  night.  The  next  day 
he  found  a  dying  child  which  he  baptized.  Here 
some  Noches  Indians  invited  him  to  their  camps 
which  hiy  east ;  but,  as  he  had  promised  Sebastian  to 
return  after  four  days,  he  had  to  decline  the  invi- 
tation lest  his  guides  believe  him  killed.  He  was  al- 
so informed  of  the  murder  of  two  soldiers,  probably 
Spanish  deserters,  because  they  had  outraged  Indian 
women. 

In  one  rancheria  a  chief  told  the  missionary  about 
a  Spaniard,  probably  a  deserter,  who  was  married  to 
an  Indian  woman  of  the  Noches  Colteches.  Two  In- 
dians now  led  him  to  the  top  of  a  hill,  and,  after 
pointing  out  the  I'oad  to  a  rancheria  and  a  river, 
they  deserted  him.  He  thereupon  placed  himself  in 
the  hands  of  Divine  Providence,  luit  when  night 
came  on  he  found  himself  on  the  brink  of  a  preci- 
pice. Though  he  discovered  a  footpath,  his  mule 
could  not  travel  on  it.  In  this  altliction  the  poor  Fa- 
ther had  recourse  to  prayer,  and  after  some  time  ap- 
proached a  river  along  whicli  he  walked  most  of  the 
night,  when  he  suddenly  met  four  Indians  who  took 
him  to  their  rancheria  where  he  was  received  with 
much  pleasure.  From  here  he  continued  and,  after 
crossing  a  river,  came  to  the  San  Felipe.  At  all  the 
rancherias  he  was  hospitably  entertained. 

Accompanied  by  three  Cuabajais  Indians,  Fr.  Gar- 
ces now  traversed  fertile  plains,  and  reached  the  Cu- 
abajais camps  which  were  in  festival  array.  They 
danced  and  sang  all  night  and  the  following  day. 
One  of  the  .lamajabs  arrived  here  with  two  mules,  in 
order  to  bring  the  Father  back  to  the  place  Avhere 
he    had  left    Sal>astian.    Thence    he   was    led    to    the 


—  ]09  — 

country  of  the  Cliemevet  and  Cunjala,  v,  lio  in  tnrn 
brou^lit  him  to  the  Cobaji.  Only  women  and  chil- 
dren were  at  the  latter  camp;  the  men  were  out 
hunting;.  After  wandering,'  al)out  for  fifteen  days  Fr. 
Garces  reached  the  Jamajal)s,  "It  is  ditlicnlt  to  de- 
scril)e  the  joy  manifested  Ijy  this  tribe,"  says  Fr. 
Garces,  "to  see  me  again  in  their  country.  The}"  noti- 
fied the  Teluia  Yavipais,  the  Jag'uallapais,  the  Cliem- 
evets,  and  the  Jalchedunes  of  my  arrival,  in  order 
that  in  my  presence  they  might  cele1)rate  the  peace 
among  them;  and  to  that  end  they  told  me  it  was 
necessary  to  detain  me  eig'ht  days,  although  they 
knew  that  I  had  received  letters  from  the  comman- 
der of  the  expedition,  and  from  uj}"  companion  Fr. 
Tomas,  wherein  they  urged  me  to  return  at  once  to 
the  Yumas.  The  crowds  were  so  large,  however,  and 
the  good  spirit  manifested  by  these  Indians  so  sin- 
cere, that  I  feared  to  leave  thenj.  They  ratified  the 
general  peace  among  the  tribes  with  much  satisfac- 
tion  to  themselves  and  pleasure  to  me."   (5) 

(5)  Arricivita,  46S-17S.  The  full  route  over  a  country  which  Fr.  Garces  was 
the  first,  as  also  for  many  years  the  last,  to  traverse  is  worth  recording 
as  follows:  Three  leagues  n.  w.  to  rancherias  of  Santa  Isabel;  31.  n.  w. 
and  o.  n.  w.  (?i  to  San  Pedro  de  los  Yamajabs  in  35  degrees  and  one  min- 
ute, still  near  the  river;  'ZY^l.  southwest  to  San  Casimiro  wells;  81.  w.  ^4 
1.  w.  s.  w.  to  wells;  T)  1.  w.,  3  1.  w.  s.  w.  to  Sierra  de  Santa  Coleta  ;  41.  w. 
n.  w.  across  sierra  (Providence  Mts.)  to  Caiiada  de  Santo  Tomfts;  61.  w. 
s.  w.  to  wells  of  San  Juan  de  Di63,  where  the  country  of  tlie  Beuame's 
begins;  .^)  1.  to  Pinta  Pass  and  xirroyo  de  los  MArtires  (Rio  Mojave)  ;  1214  1. 
w.  s.  w.  on  same  stream ;  2  1.  w.  n.  w.,  and  2  1.  s.  w.  and  s.  to  :ii  degrees  and 
37  minutes ;  5  1.  s.  w.  up  the  stream :  HY2  1.  up  the  stream ;  3  1.  s.  w.  and  s. 
to  San  Benito  rancheria ;  3  1.  s.  s.  w.  across  sierra  (Cajon  Pass?)  in  sight 
of  sea,  and  3  1.  e.  s.  e.  to  Arroyo  de  los  Alisos ;  2H  1.  w.  s.  w.  into  Anza's 
trail,  and  8  1.  w.  n.  w. ;  2 1.  w.  n.  w.  to  San  Gabriel.  At  San  Gabriel  Fr. 
Garces  on  April  6tli  baptized  an  Indian  of  20  years  named  Miguel  Garc6s; 
Sergeant  Grijalva  was  godfather. 

Leaving  San  Gabriel  on  the  9th  of  April  Fr.  Garces  travelled  as  follows: 
l^/i  1.  n.  w.  and  w.  n.  w. ;  51^  1.  n.w.  at  foot  of  sierra :  2^4  1.  n.  w.  to  a  ran- 
cheria in  vicinity  of  San  Fernado  mission ;  2  1.  n.  to  Santa  Clara  Valley  and 
IVz  1.  w.  n.  w.  to  a  ci^nega  or  marsh;  9  1.  w.  and  n.  across  the  Sierra  Gran- 
de ;  Vi  1.  n.  e.  to  a  lake  where  Fages  had  been,  possibly  Elisabeth  Lake ; 
."il.  across  valley  to  Sierra  de  San  Miircos;  2y2  1.  n.  and  SVil.  w.  across  the 
Sierra  to  San  Pascual  rancheria  of  tlie  Cuabajai  nation  in  tiio  edge  of 
Tularo  Valley;  I/2I.  w.  n.  w.  to  rancheria  in  degree  35  and  9  minutes;  81. 
u.  to  Arrcyj  de  Santa  Catarina  in  the  country  of  the  Noches;  one  1.  n.  w. 
to   a   great   river    San    Felipe    flowing    with    rapid   current   from   eastern 


—  110  — 


CHAPTER  IX. 


Pr.  Francisco  Garces  And  His  Trip  To  Moqui— .lis  Receptiox— He  Re- 
lUENs  To  San  Xavier  Del  Bac. 

While  Fr.  Garces  succeeded  in  moving  the  differ- 
ent tribes  along  the  Colorado  and  Gila  to  make 
peace  among  themselves,  he  learned  from  the  Gual- 
lapais  the  distance  to  the  Moqni  villages  and  the 
missions  in  New  Mexico.  Though  he  had  received 
Anza's  letter,  and  had  started  down  the  river,  he 
changed  his  mind  and  decided  to  visit  the  Moqui 
towns.  The  interpreters  who  had  followed  the  mis- 
sionary thus  far  had  returned  to  their  people;  and 
Sebastian  was  told  to  wait  for  him  among  the  Jal- 
chedunes.  Fr.  Garces  then  set  out  from  the  Mojave 
region  on  the  4th  of  June,  1776.  "This  journey," 
says  Bancroft,  "as  the  second  [through  this  region, 
and  the  lirst  of  which  we  have  a  detailed  account,  is 
a  most  interesting  and  important  one,  to  which  noth- 
ing like  justice  can  be  done  in  the  appended  resume 
of  the  diary,  which,  however,  as  a  record  cannot  be 
omitted."  (1) 


mountaius,  possibly  Kern  Rivor  above  Baksrsfield,  aud  31.  n.  w.  and  n. 
to  smaller  stream  Saatiaso  (Posa  Creek?) ;  4^4  1.  n  ;  tV^  1.  n.  to  River  Santa 
Cruz  (White  River?) ;  one  1.  e.  to  a  raucheria.  Back  to  San  Miguel  at 
junction  of  two  branches  of  River  Sau  Felipe;  back  to  San  Pascual  ran- 
rherla;  2  1.  e.  and  n.  e.  in  the  sierra  to  lagoon  of  Sau  Venancio:  3^  1.  n, 
w.  and  s.  e;  I'a  1.  s.  e.  to  Arroyo  de  la  Asuneion;  6^4  1.  s.  s.  w.  out  of  the 
mountains  and  over  the  plains;  7  1.  s.  s.  w.  to  Rio  Mftrtires  at  old  station 
in  34  degrees  and  37  minutes ;  back  to  San  Juan  de  Di63  by  the  old  route ; 
21.  c,  n.  c.  to  M^danp;  V/i\.  o.  s.  e,  across  Sierra  of  Santa  Coleta;  31.  e. 
n.  0,  to  well  of  San  Felipe  Ncri;  51.  n.  e. ;  1.5  n.  o.  to  Triniddd;  l.Sl.  n. 
e. ;  Dl.  e.  nnd  s.  e.  to  San  Casirairo;  2  1.  e.  s.  w.  to  startinR  point,  (Banci 
Hkt.  Cnt,  li  276.277.)  {\)  Soe  chd  of  thie  ehapten 


—  Ill  — 

Tlie  starting-point  was  probably  in  the  region  of 
the  Later  Fort  Mojave,  or  latitude  35  degrees.  The 
winding  and  complicated  ronte  corresponded  in  a 
general  sense  with  that  of  Onate  in  1604-1605,  and 
the  line  of  the  modern  Atlantic  and  Pacific  Railroad. 
After  travelling  four  days  Fr.  Garces  reached  the 
rancherias  of  the  Juallapais  (Juaguapais),  where  a 
hut  had  already  been  prepared  for  him. 

They  listened  attentively  to  his  instructions  and 
kissed  the  crucifix,  and  had  the  children  do  the 
same.  On  hearing  that  he  wished  to  go  to  the  Mo- 
quis,  they  made  every  effort  to  change  his  mind,  nor 
would  any  one  show  him  the  road.  Finally  a  Jamajab 
Indian  consented  to  take  him  to  the  Yavipais  where 
he  was  invited  to  remain.  The  next  day  a  great  ma- 
ny Indians  arrived  in  groups  of  four,  six,  and  eight 
men  to  see  the  stranger. 

Thence  a  married  couple  and  another  Indian,  who 
claimed  to  be  from  Moqui,  offered  to  accompany  the 
Father.  The  rancheria  of  the  single  Indian  was 
gained  on  the  third  day.  Fr.  Garces  lost  no  time, 
but  as  usual  spoke  of  God  and  the  delights  of  heav- 
en, to  wjilch  all  listened  with  much  interest.  The 
children,  like  tlie  adults,  kissed  the  crucifix  which 
passed  from  hand  to  hand.  Every  Indian  in  the  place 
was  brought  to  the  missionary,  the  blind,  the  infirm, 
and  the  crippled,  that  he  might  lay  his  hand  upon 
them  and  pray  over  them.  The  wondering  traveller 
in  vain  tried  to  ascertain  where  they  had  learned 
this  beautiful  custom.  He  met  with  the  same  experi- 
ence among  the  Yavipais.  Fr.  Garces  entered  the  lat- 
ter's  territory  over  a  very  rough  road,  and  was 
heartily  welcomed.  They  succeeded  in  detaining  him 
for  five  days. 

In  the  company  of  five  Indians  he  left  this  friend- 
ly tribe,  and  arrived  at  the  camp  of  the  Jabesua  In- 
dians^  after  ah  exceedingly  toilsome  march  througli 
the   mountaiiis.    There    the   onwrM    explorey   beheld 


—  112  — 

the  deep  gorges  through  which  tlie  Colorado  wends 
its  way;  a  pass  in  the  sierra  he  named  after  Viceroy 
Bucareli.  Proceeding  with  three  Indian  families  that 
were  on  the  road  to  another  rancheria,  Fr.  Garces 
reached  the  Rio  Jaquesila.  They  crossed  it  and,  after 
indescribable  hardships,  arrived  at  a  Yavipais  ranche- 
ria. Two  Moqni  Indians  made  their  appearance  here. 
One  of  them  kissed  the  hand  of  the  missionary,  but 
declined  to  accept  either  tobacco  or  anything  else. 
The  other  would  not  so  much  as  kiss  the  crucifix 
offered   him  l)y  the  Yavipais. 

On    the    following  day,-  guided   by    some    Yavipais, 
tlie    traveller   crossed    the  Rio   Jaquesila,    and    passed 
through  a  ruined  pueblo  of  the  Mo(iui.    He   was    now 
twelve  leagues  from  the  Moqui  town   of   Muca   or   O- 
raybe.    On    approaching    to    within    three    leagues    of 
the  pueblo,  he  met  a  Moqui  youth  who  would  not  ac- 
cept the  tobacco  offered  him.  This  was  a  most   suspi- 
cious  sign   that   lie   would  not  be  well   received;    but 
nothing  daunted  the  Father  proceeded  to   within   two 
leages     of    Muca,     when    he     encountered    two    well- 
dressed  Indians  ou  horseback.  They  refused    to   shake 
hands  with  him,  and  moreover  by  signs  gave   him   to 
understand   that   he   should   turn   back.  The  Yavipais 
guides  endeavored  to  explain  the   missionary's   inten- 
tion,   but   the   Moquis   would  not    listen,  so    that    his 
companions  advised  him  not  to   continue    in    that   di- 
rection.   Fr.  Garces,  then,    determined   to   proceed    a- 
lone,    as  he   knew   the   Moqui   village   must   be   near. 
The  six  Yavipais  Indians,  therefore  deserted  him,  and 
only  one  old  man  with  a  boy  followed  the  Father   to 
the'  mesa   or   table    land    ou    which    the    town    stood. 
The  elevation   from  which   the  pueblo   rose   was   very 
rough  and  steep,  but  after  climbing  the  zigzag  course 
upwards,    he    almost    suddenly    found    himself    inside 
the    pueblo.    From    the    entrance    a   narrow    lane    ran 
through  the  town  and   was  crossed  by  others  just    as 
narrow.  There  were  two  small  plazas. 


-  J18  -^ 

As  soon  as  the  Father  with  liis  two  Indiahs  Gh- 
tered  the  pueblo,  a  great  crowd  of  women  and  cliil- 
dren  gathered  on  the  roofs  of  the  terrace-like  build- 
ings to  gaze  at  the  strange  white  man.  Fr.  Garces 
followed  the  guides  to  the  house  of  a  woman  ac- 
quainted with  his  companions.  The  two  Yavipais  sa- 
luted her  from  below;  whereupon  she  invited  them 
into  her  home,  l)ut  declined  to  admit  the  missionary. 
The  weary  traveller  then  retired  to  a  corner  of  the 
lane  and  prepared  to  settle  down  with  his  mule.  All 
day  long  men,  women,  and  children  would  come  to 
look  at  the  priest,  l)ut  no  one  would  speak;  nor 
would  they  accept  the  white  beads  of  which  they 
are  very  fond. 

The  old  Yavipais  told  the  Father  that  the  Moquis 
did  not  want  him  there;  nevertheless  Fr.  Garces  kin- 
dled a,  lire  and  prepared  a  meal  consisting  of  atole  de 
'pinole^  (cake  of  ground  corn  or  barley),  which  he  had 
fortunately  brought  along.  This  was  his  only  nour- 
ishment in  a  town  well  provided  with  everything.  To- 
wards night  an  old  Indian  drew  near  and  kissed  the 
crucifix.  After  receiving  some  tobacco  and  beads  he 
said  to  the  Father:  "God  repay  you."  Soon  after  a 
young  Indian  approached  and  said  in  Spanish:  "Fa- 
ther, these  are  Chichimecos,  and  they  do  not  want 
to  be  baptized;  nor  do  they  believe  you  are  a  priest; 
but  I  recognize  you,  for  I  am  baptized  and  a  Zuiii. 
You  may  come  to  our  people  along  with  the  three 
of  us,  and  to-morrow  before  noon  we  shall  reach  a 
pueblo,  and  the  day  after  we  shall  come  to  the  mis- 
sion of  Acoma. 

Fr.  Garces  would  not  promise  this,  but  asked  for 
the  chief  of  the  town,  when  it  was  found  that  the 
latter  had  concealed  himself.  The  missionary  then 
asked  the  Zuhi  to  inform  the  people  that  he  had 
come  for  no  other  purpose  than  to  speak  to  them  of 
God.  This  the  Indian  did  in  vain;  no  one  would  list- 
en. The   kindhearted   Zufii   now  invited  the  Father  to 


—  114  — 

his   own  stopping  place,  but  Fr.  Garces  declined,   be- 
cause  the  mistress  of  the  house  had  not  invited  him. 

When  night  set  in,  the  villagers  huddled  together 
on  the  roofs  and  made  an  almost  intolerable  noise 
with  flutes,  songs,  and  shouts.  After  awhile  this 
ceased,  wdien  some  one  in  a  sharp  voice  made  a 
long  speech.  Then  the  hideous  music  would  contin- 
ue for  awhile  to  be  interrupted  by  another  long- 
winded  speaker  with  a  hoarse  voice.  This  was  kept 
up  until  near  the  dawn  of  morning.  In  the  after- 
noon the  Yavipais  Indians  visited  the  missionary  in 
his  corner.  On  learning  that  he  might  go  to  the  Zu- 
fiis,  they  refused  to  accompany  him.  Fr.  Garces  of- 
fered them  some  beads  witU  which  to  purchase  corn 
meal.  They  would  not  accept  the  beads,  and  tlie  two 
younger  ones  even  threw  away  those  he  had  given 
them    lief  ore. 

At  daybreak  of  the  second  day  the  Zuhis  again 
came  to  invite  the  Father  to  their  town:  but  he 
informed  them  that,  as  the  Yavipais  refused  to 
accompany  him  for  fear  of  the  Moquis,  he  would 
have  to  refrain  from  going  to  Zuiii.  He  asked  them 
to  take  a  letter  to  their  missionary  in  which  he  had 
described  his  experience  at  Moqui.  Some  time  after 
the  old  Yavipai  approached  Fr.  Garc6s  with  one  of 
the  Moqui  chiefs.  The  latter  requested  him  to  visit 
other  villages,  where  he  would  get  something  to  eat, 
as  he  was  not  wanted  there.  Thereupon  the  poor 
messenger  of  i^oace  mounted  his  mule,  and  accompa- 
nied by  the  two  Yavipais  proceeded  to  leave  the  in 
hospitable  pueblo.  The  Yavipais  soon  deserted  him, 
and  when,  on  ascending  a  height  similar  to  that  on 
which  Muca  was  situated,  he  noticed  that  every  In- 
dian tied  from  him,  he  suspected  some  foul  designs. 
He  therefore  resolved  to  return  the  three  leagues  he 
had  come  in  order  to  find  the  Yavipais.  A  little  be- 
lore  nightfall  the  intrepid  explorer  once  more  en- 
tered the  village  before  the   eyes  of  the  amazed  pop- 


—  115  — 

ulace.  He  soon  found  tlie  little  recess  in  which  he 
had  passed  the  previous  night;  but  again  received 
no  invitation  nor  favor  of  any  kind.  He  was  then 
convinced  that  every  one  must  have  received  orders 
from  tlie  chief  not  to  ofi'er  food  or  hospitality  to 
the  unwelcome  stranger,  and  that  this  command 
Avas  being  carried  out  to  the  letter. 

One  of  the  Yavipais  now  approached  and  without 
a  word  led  away  tlie  missionary's  mule.  At  the  dawn 
of  the  third  day  Fr.  Garces  heard  singing  and  dan- 
cing along  the  narrow  lanes,  and  noticed  Indians, 
their  hair  adorned  with  feathers,  moving  hither  and. 
thither,  shouting  and  whistling.  At  sunrise  a  great 
crowd  of  people,  in  festive  array,  gathered  in  the  pla- 
azs  and  when  the  multitude  drew  nigh  he  concluded 
that  they  intended  to  take  his  life.  Grasping  his 
crucifix  more  lirmly,  and  recommending  himself  to 
God,  he  prepared  to  suffer  death.  Four  chiefs  ap- 
proached him,  and  one  of  them  said:  "Why  did  you 
come  here?  You  cannot  remain  in  this  place;  go 
back  to  your  country.-'  Fr.  Garces  replied  by  mak- 
ing a  sign  requesting  silence ;  but  they  would  not 
listen.  Thereupon  the  intrepid  missionary  "raised  tlie 
crucifix,  and  in  a  fiery  speech,  mixing  Yuma,  Yavi- 
pais, and  Spanish  words,  illustrated  by  means  of 
signs,  he  told  them  of  the  tribes  he  had  visited;  that 
all  had  kissed  the  crucifix ;  that  not  one  had  treated 
him  badly ;  that  for  the  love  he  liore  towards  the 
Moquis  he  had  come  to  speak  to  them  of  the  one 
God  in  heaven,  and  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  who  in 
His  goodness  had  allowed  Himself  to  be  crucified  for 
their  welfare."  When  the  Father  had  finished,  an 
old  Indian  shouted  in  Spanish,  "No,  No."  Thereupon 
Fr.  Garces  asked  for  his  mule,  and  started  off  sur- 
rounded by  the  multitude  until  he  was  outside  the 
pueblo. 

The  weary  wanderer  commenced  the  march  under 
the    most   disheartening   circumstances;  for,    not   only 


—  iio  — 

was  li3  unacquainted  with  the  country,  but  hungei* 
made  itself  keenly  felt.  Two  Moquis  ^Yhom  he  met 
showed  themselves  less  unfriendly,  but  they  would 
accept  neither  beads  nor  tobacco;  he  was  treated  in 
like  manner  by  every  Moqui  he  addressed  on  tiie 
road.  He  continued  to  wander  aboutj  and  once 
found  himself  in  a  place  from  which  he  bould  iiOt 
find  an  outlet.  There  he  was  discovered  by  the  Ya- 
vipais  who  had  deserted  him  at  the  Moqui  village. 
They  requested  liiin  to  make  haste,  as  they  had 
seen  the  smoke  by  which  means  the  Yavipais  Tehua 
called  their  men  to  war. 

Happily  the  Father  soon  arrived  at  the  rancheria 
of  an  old  Y^avipais  whose  family  showed  much  sym- 
pathy for  the  traveller,  on  account  of  the  treatment 
he  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Moquis.  They 
slaughtered  a  pair  of  cattle  and  entertained  him 
most  hospitably.  Moreover  they  urged  him  to  remain 
w^ith  them  for  at  least  six  days,  because,  as  they 
said,  he  must  have  suffered  exceedingly  from  hun- 
ger. However,  Fr.  Garces  soon  again  started  out  to 
ascend  a  sierra,  and  four  days  later  came  to  a  ran- 
cheria of  the  Jabesua  where  he  was  received  with 
indescribable  joy.  They  succeeded  in  keeping  him  for 
six  days,  during  which  time  he  enlightened  them  on 
the  truths  of  religion.  They  were  particularly  de- 
lighted to  hear  the  missionary  sing  the  litany.  To 
please  these  simple  people,  at  tlie  name  of  St.  Antho- 
ny he  would  sing:  Saint  Anthony  of  the  Jabesua; 
and  at  the  name  St.  Peter,  lie  would  sing :  Saint 
Peter  of  the  Yavipais,  etc.,  which  little  devise  i)ro- 
duced  nuich  good  feeling. 

Accompanied  by  two  of  the  chief  Jabesuas,  Fr. 
Garces  left  these  good  people,  and  three  days  after 
was  found  by  four  Y^avipais  who  had  been  ordered 
by  their  chief  to  search  for  him.  The  next  day  he 
reached  a  rancheria  where  he  remained  a  day  to  sat- 
isfy their   eagerness   for   his   presence.    For   the   same 


MISSION  SAN   DIEGO,   CALIFORNIA. 


-  117  — 

reason  he  passed  two  days  at  another  ranclieria,  and 
then  hastened  to  the  country  of  tlie  Jamajabs  on 
the  Colorado.  His  appearance  was  the  sional  for  ex- 
traordinary rejoicings,  for  they  were  under  the  im- 
pression that  the  missionary  had  been  murdered  by 
the  Moquis.  Witli  Fr.  Garces  some  Yavipais,  Jabe- 
suas,  and  tlie  chief  of  the  Ouercomaches  also  arrived. 

Proceedini;'  on  his  way  the  traveller  visited  several 
rancherias;  at  one  of  them,  called  La  Pasion,  he  was 
detained  for  two  days.  There  he  was  informed  that 
peace  existed  between  the  Yavipais  Tejuas  and  the 
Cocomaricopas,  and  that  he  could  reach  his  mission 
in  four  or  five  days  without  havini:;  to  <^o  around 
through  the  Yuma  territory.  Having  learned,  how- 
ever, that  the  Yumas  had  killed  three  Jalchedunes, 
and  that  in  conseciuence  a  very  bitter  feeling  ex- 
isted between  the  two  tribes,  the  peacemaker  de- 
termined to  undergo  the  additional  hardships  of  vis- 
iting the  Yumas,  in  order  to  bring  about  a  reconcil- 
iation. Moreover,  he  wished  to  ascertain  their  i3res- 
ent  disposition  towards  Christian  Doctrine  and  feal- 
ty to  the  king  of  Spain. 

Before  leaving  he  had  the  consolation  of  baptizing 
a  dying  girl  and  three  very  sick  old  men.  At  an- 
other rancheiia  a  Yavipais  Tejua,  or  Apache  In- 
dian, had  waited  for  the  Father  for  some  time,  but 
had  gone  away  in  despair.  He  had  been  sent  by  his 
chief  to  invite  the  missionary  to  the  Apache  conn, 
t.-y.  Eleven  days  after  Fr.  Garces  found  himself  a- 
mong  the  Jalchedunes,  where  he  remained  the  wel- 
come guest  for  two  days.  Three  days  later  the  In- 
dians helped  him  cress  the  Colorado  on  a  raft  to  the 
California  side.  At  one  ranclieria  some  of  his  things 
were  stolen.  On  notifying  the  chief  men  search  was 
made  and  everything  recovered,  though  the  thieves 
had  already  reduced  the  cloak  to  pieces.  After  seven 
days  of  marching  Fr.  Garces  arrived  at  the  last 
r^nbheria.  of  the  Jalchedunes,  There  he  also  met   the 


—  Il8  — 

Yumas,  and  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  peac6  reestab- 
lished lietween  the  two  tri1)es.  It  was  shown  that  the 
three  Jalchedunes  had  been  killed  for  attempting  to 
steal   some   horses. 

Continuing  on  the  road  for  two  days,  he  recrossed 
the  Colorado  twelve  leagues  above  the  Port  of  Con- 
Cepcion,  or  mouth  of  the  Gila.  The  Yumas,  too,  had 
bewailed  him  for  dead.  During  his  several  days'  stay 
Fr.  Garces  explained  the  divine  mysteries,  and  par- 
ticularly urged  upon  his  hearers  the  necessity  of 
preserving  peace  among  the  tribes.  The  Indians  list- 
ened to  the  instructions  attentively,  and  begged  the 
missionary  to  remain  with  them  always.  It  was  w^itli 
regret  that  he  parted  from  them.  He  crossed  the  riv- 
er and  in  time  entered  the  country  of  the  Cocomari- 
copas.  Among  them  also  he  pleaded  for  peace  with 
the  surrounding  tribes.  From  there  the  indefatigable 
traveller  passed  to  the  Opas  and  the  Pimas  on  the 
Gila,  accompanied  by  the  chief  of  the  Cocomaricopas. 
Everywhere  the  natives  were  delighted  to  lind  that 
the   rumor   regarding   the    Father's    death    was    false. 

Among  the  Pimas  Fr.  Garces  noticed  that  some  In- 
dians were  sulTcring  from  the  effects  of  strong  drink. 
Their  chief  by  way  of  excuse  said  it  occurred  but 
rarely.  The  Father  was  much  pleased  to  learn  that 
no  woman  had  forgotten  herself  in  this  matter.   (2) 


(2)  Arricivita,  p.  47S-434;  Bauc.  Hist.  Arizona,  394-395.  Tlie  route  to  Mo- 
qui  was  as  follows:  June  4th,  (lOltb  day's  journey),  2  leagues  n.  w. 
up  the  Colorado  to  a  place  in  latitude  34  degrees  and  one  minute;  5th, 
one  1.  n.,  ^41.  south,  31.  e.  n.  e. ;  6th,  e.  n.  e.  over  Sierra  de  Santia- 
go, 1.51.  e.  f.  s.  6.  to  Agnage  de  San  Paciflco,  21.  s.  s.  e.,  one  1.  e. ;  7th, 
41.  0.  to  the  Jaquallapais  (Hualapais),  on  a  little  stream;  8th,  3.5  1.  n. 
e.  by  the  skirt  of  the  Sierra  Morena,  2.5  1.  n.  e.  to  a  rancherla;  9th,  51.  e. 
to  Arroyo  de  S.  Bernab6,  ou3  1.  on  the  stream  to  with  two  pozos,  in 
sight  of  a  valley  near  a  river,  41.  to  a  rancheria  of  the  Cueromaches; 
25th,  2  1.  P.  v/.  to  Sierra  of  Santiago,  w.  to  Aguage  de  Sta  Ana,  IY2I.  s. 
w.  to  Rio  Colorado,  21.  south  down  the  river  to  Punta  de  los  Jamajabs; 
26th,  2^2  1.  s.  down  the  river  to  rancheria  of  S.  Pedro;  27th,  one  1.  s.  to 
another  rancheria;  28tli,  31.  s.  e.  to  rancheria  de  la  Pasion;  31.st,  21.  s. 
s.  w.  to  rancheria. 

August  1st,  2 1.  s.  to  Sierra  de  S.  Udefonso,  at  end  of  the  Jamajab 
country,  a  good  place  for  two  missions;  2d  to  5th,  down  the  river  south 
141.  to  Rio  Santa  Maria  (now  Bill  Williams  Fork) ;    6-8tli,  14  leagues  s.  to 


—  119  — 

At  last  the  famous  missionary  reached  San  Xaviei* 
del  Bac  on  September  17,  1776,  after  an  absence  of 
eleven  months  minus  four  days.  He  had  travelled 
about  one  thousand  leagues;  had  visited  nine  tribes'; 
and  had  met  -with  25,000  souls  since  leaving  his  mis- 
sion on  October  21,    1775. 

an  abandoned  raiicliorla,  where  many  Indians  soon  gathered  and  new 
guides  wore  obtained;  15th,  up  the  arroyo  n.  e.  and  n.  past  Pozos  do  S. 
Basilio  to  a  ranclieria,  4.5.;  IGtli,  4  1.  n.  e.  and  n.  over  pine  hilL-^,  5  L_  n. 
to  a  sierra  of  red  earth,  said  to  be  near  the  Colorado,  deep  Cajouos;  17tli, 
2.5  1.  n.  e.  over  a  roush  sierra  to  a  rancheria,  where  there  was  a  junta  of 
Indians  and  much  }'e."<tivity.  From  here  he  might  have  gone  more  directly 
to  Moqui,  but  turned  off  to  sfee  mbrc  t>eOple ;  19th.  one  1.  e.  to  Pozo  do  la 
Eosa,  21.  n.;  20tli,  5  1.  e.,  2L  n.  e.,  over  a  bad  wooded  country,  witli  deep 
daflons,  to  a  ranclieria  ou  the  Eio  Cabezua,  or  Jabozua,  named  S.  Antonio, 
througli  a  deep  canon  pass.  Here  wore  a  few  cattle  and  horses  from  Mo- 
qui, also  iron  implements.  This  seemed  tlie  largest  river  of  the  Yavipais. 
The  river  runs  w.,  n.  w.,  and  n.  into  the  Colorado  near  by;  watf^r  used 
for  irrigation;  25th,  2  1.  s.  to  summit  of  a  sierra,  3  1.  s.  e.  and  n. ,  through 
forest,  to  a  Cabazua  rancheria;  26th,  4  1.  s.  e.  and  s.  to  a  place  in  sight 
of  the  gorges,  through  which  flows  the  Colorado,  through  a  cut  in  the 
blue  sierra  named  Bucareli  Pass,  towards  the  e.  n.  e.,  but  difficult  to 
reach ;  also  saw  in  the  north  smoke  of  the  Payuchas  north  of  the  river. 
From  the  sierra  stretching  west  the  Rio  Asuncion  is  thought  to  rise^  4  1. 
s.  e.  to  a  pinal;  27th,  4  1.  s.  o.  and  e. ;  2Sth,  3.5  1.  southeast,  south,  and 
east  to  Rio  Jaquovila,  or  S.  Pedro,  which  runs  w.  n.  w.  into  the  Colorado 
a  little  above  tho  Puerto  de  Bucareli,  tlirough  a  deep  canon  cut  iu  living 
rock,  8  1.  n.  by  another  cajon  to  a  rancheria  of  Yavipais,  where  two 
Moquis  ware  seen. 

July  1st,  1.5  e.  s.  e.  to  a  river  that  seemed  to  be  tho  S.  Pedro  do  Jaque- 
sua,  and  a  ruined  pueblo  said  to  be  of  the  Moquis,  6  1.  across  treeless 
plains;  2d,  3  1.  e.  s.  e.,  3  1.  o.  and  s.  to  tho  Moqui  town  of  Oraive,  called 
by  the  Yavipais  Muca;  3d,  31.  toward  another  pueblo,  but  returned;  4th, 
started  on  return,  12  1.  e.  n.  w.  to  Rio  S.  Pedro  Jaquecila.  The  names  of* 
the  Moqui  towns  in  Yavipais  language  are  SesepaulabA,  Masaqueve,  Jan- 
ogualpa,  Muqui,  Concabe,  and  Muca,  called  Oraive  by  the  Zuilis;  5tli,  1.5 
1.  e.  n.  w.  to  Yavipais  rancheria ;  heard  of  the  Guamua,  Quaiiavepe,  Gual- 
liba,  and  Aguachacha,  also  different  tribes  of  the  Yavipais,  including  tho 
Yavipais  Tejua  in  tho  sierras  of  the  Rio  Asuncion;  also  on  tho  Colorado 
the  Yutas,  Chemeguabas,  Payuchas,  Japul,  Gualta,  and  Baquiyoba,  per- 
haps rancherlas  of  one  nation;  6th,  4  1.  s.  w.  to  Rio  S.  Pedro  again;  7th, 
2  1.  n.  w.  and  w.  to  near  a  cave;  Sth,  over  the  sierra  and  past  the  Bajlo, 
4  1.  w.  and  s.  w.  to  Poza  de  Santa  Isabel;  9th,  5  1.  n,  w.,  31.  e.  n.  w.  to 
rancheria  in  the  cajones  of  the  Jabesua,  staying  six  days:  15th,  51.  w. 
and  s.  by  the  new  Canfran,  though  tlie  natives  wislied  him  to  go  by  tlio 
Escalera  route;  16th,  61.  w.  to  Pozo  de  las  Rosas;  17tli,  s.  w.  past  Sierra 
de  Pinales  and  S.  Diego  to  Arroyo  de  S.  Alejo  at  a  Yavipais  rancheria, 
leaving  the  former  route;  ISth,  1^^  1.  down  the  Arroyo  n.  w.  over  hills  to 
valley  of  Lino  with  much  wild  flax,  3.5  1.  w.  to  a  rancheria;  19th,  Vil.  n. 
to  Agnage  de  Sta  Margarita,  over  the  Sierra  Morena,  2  1.  w.  to  Pozo  de  A- 
vispas  into  a  valley  4  1.  wide,  and  4  1.  more  to  a  rancheria;  23d,  21.  s.  w. 
to  a  pozD  and  rancheria;  24th,   up  the  sierra  e.  2  1.,  one  1.  u.  to  rancheria 


—  120  — 


CHAPTER  X. 


State    Of    The    Missions — Indian     Raids— -Destruction    Of     Mission 
Santa   Makia  Magdalena— Murcee  Of  Fe.  Felipe   Guillen. 

Most  lamentable  was  the  state  of  the  missions  in 
rimcria  Alta  at  this  period.  The  kSeri,  Piatos,  and 
Apaches  continued  to  be  as  unruly  as  ever,  and 
made  every  eti'ort  to  move  the  mission  Indians  to 
withdraw  from  the  guidance  of  the  missionaries. 
This  caused  the  Fathers  no  end  of  trouble.  Not  suc- 
ceeding as  they  desired,  the  savages  began  to  us3 
force.  Thus  one  day  in  November  1776,  at  eight  in 
the  morning,  forty  Seri,  Piatos,  and  Apaches  fell  up- 
on Mission  Santa  Maria  Magdalena,  and  succeeded  in 
destroying  most  of  the  buildings.  The  Father  had  just 
said  Mass,  and  the  women  and  children  had  finished 
the  doctrina,  or  recitation  of  the  catechism,  when 
the  savages  appeared.  Only  four  able-bpdied  men  had 
been  left  behind  to  defend  the  village.  The  people 
hastily  took  refuge  in  the  missionary's  quarters  and 
barricaded  the  doors.  The  leader  of  the  enemy  was 
an  apostate  by  the  name  of  Juan  Cocinero.  By 
means  of  a  ladder  he  ascended  to  the  roof  of  the  a- 
do))e    building,    in  Avhich    the   priest   and   people   had 

of  Jalchedunes,  before  named  San  Antonio;  11th,  2  1.  w.  s.  w.  to  ran- 
cheiia  Sta  Coleta  near  the  river;  r2th,  2H  1-  s.  w.  to  rancheria  near  Lagu- 
na  do  TrinidAd ;  14th,  crossed  the  Cohirado  on  a  balsa  to  rancheria  de 
Asuncion  on  the  California  side ;  16th  to  21st,  7  1.  down  river;  22d,  re- 
rrossed  the  river  and  went  one  1.  s. ,  2;i,  Ihi  1.  s.  to  last  rancheria  of  the 
Jalchedunes;  24th,  4  1.  s.  s.  w. ;  26th,  crossed  the  river,  s.  w.  to  a  g.-eat 
pool,  5  1.  s. ;  4  I  s.  e.  to  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion.  Returned  to  San  Xavier 
del  Bac  by  the  same  route  Anza's  expedition  had  come,  arriving  Septi 
37th,  Ft.  Garc<^s'  Diary  is  dated  Tubutatna,  January  30,  1777; 


—  121  — 

gathered,  and  set  fire  to  the  dry  grass  which  covered 
the  rafters.  Then  he  proceeded  to  rol)  the  church  and 
vestry.  In  their  diabolical  fury  the  savages  l)roke  or 
desecrated  everything  they  could  not  carry  away,  be- 
fore departing  with  the  vestments,  altar  vessels,  etc. 
On  the  way  they  tore  the  leaves  from  the  missal 
and  scattered  them  to  tlie  winds.  The  cattle  had 
meanwhile  also  been  driven  to  the  mountains.  After 
a  short  time  the  savages  returned  to  complete  the 
destruction  of  the  missionary's  dwelling.  The  fire 
had  reached  the  rooms  in  which  the  frightened  wom 
en  and  children  vrere  huddled  together;  and  they 
were  on  the  point  of  perishing  from  suffocation.  The 
enemies  on  the  outside  were  endeavoring  to  batter 
down  the  doors  with  great  stones,  and  succeeded  in 
making  an  opening.  The  three  Indian  men  within 
took  advantage  of  this  by  discharging  their  arrows 
through  the  hole  with  such  effect  that  the  surprised 
assaulters  discontinued  their  efforts  for  a  while.  The 
final  result,  liowever,  was  only  a  question  of  minutes. 
The  good  Father,  therefore,  exliorted  all  to  make  an 
act  of  fervent  contrition,  in  order  that  he  might  give 
them  absolution  before  perishing  in  the  fire  or  at  the 
hands  of  the  Apaches.  In  this  extremity  relief  came 
in  the  shape  of  a  body  of  troops  who  drove  the 
savages  into  the  mountains.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
attack  one  of  the  four  men  ]iad  escaped  unseen  to 
San  Ignacio,  two  leagues  distant.  The  soldiers  had 
hastened  to  Santa  Magdalena,  and  had  just  come  in 
time  to  deliver  a  large  number  of  women  and  chil- 
dren from  a  frightful  death.  One  of  the  women  had 
been  mortally  wounded,  and  another  Avoman  with 
two  children  had  been  carried  away  as  cai^tives  by 
the  Indians. 

As  the  savages  had  been  so  successful  in  destroy- 
ing and  pillaging  a  mission  without  any  loss  to 
themselves,  they  resolved  to  attack  Mission  Saric 
eight  days   later.    They    found   little   resistance   when 


tliey  fell  upon  the  establishment  in  broad  day  Tight. 
One  mission  Indian  was  killed,  and  a  number  of 
others  were  wounded,  whilst  ten  perished  in  the 
flames.  An  Indian  woman  was  taken  captive,  but  es- 
caped to  Cocospera  bringing-  the  information  that  the 
lavages  planned  the  ruin  of  all  the  missions.  At  Sa- 
ric  the  majority  of  the  dwellings  were  burned,  oxen 
and  cows  driven  away,  and  200  of  tlie  smaller  flock 
wantonly  killed.  Fortunately,  the  hostile  Indians 
were  not  able  to  force  open  the  church.  As  it  was,  it 
seemed  a  miracle  that  the  entire  settlement  was  not 
consumed  by  the  flames.  On  returning,  the  Indians 
passed  San  Ignacio  and  drove  away  twenty  head  of 
cattle.  Soon  after  thirty-five  soldiers  from  the  pre- 
sidio appeared  at  the  pueblo  to  punish  the  murder- 
ers;   but,    as   usual,  too  late  to  overtake  them. 

The  Fr.  President  of  the  missions  now  asked  for 
troops  to  protect  the  other  six  estaldishment;  but  the 
commander  replied  that  soldiers  could  not  be  sent 
until  higher  officers  so  ordered.  The  governor  was 
then  informed  of  the  danger  to  wliich  the  missions 
were  exposed;  but  that  official  did  not  even  reply 
to  the  appeal.  Thus  the  missionaries  with  tlieir  neo- 
phytes continued  exposed  all  through  the  year  1777, 
and  in  consequence  one  of  tlie  Fathers  became  a 
victim  to  savage  hatred  in  the  year  following. 

In  April  1778  the  missionary  of  Tubutama,  Fr. 
Felipe  Guillen,  went  to  the  visita  or  station  of  San- 
ta Teresa,  in  order  to  give  his  usual  instructions  and 
perform  other  priestly  duties.  After  saying  Mass,  and 
finishing  instructing  the  neophytes  on  the  morning  of 
the  27th,  he  returned  to  Mission  Ati,  two  leagues 
distant.  While  going  his  way  seven  Indians,  Seri  or 
Apaches,  fell  upon  the  unsuspecting  missionary,  and 
one  of  them  drove  a  lance  into  the  breast  of  the 
priest,  who  fell  mortally  wonnded  from  his  horse  and 
expired.  The  savages  then  hurried  to  Ati,  and  after 
killing  four  mission  Indians  fled  to  their  haunts.  The 


—  123  — 

body  of  the  murdered  Father  was  discovered  by 
some  Indians  from  Ati  and  brought  to  the  mission. 
The  neighboring  missionaries  were  informed  of  tlie 
calamity  and  invited  to  the  burial.  This  toolv  phice 
next  day,  after  the  Office  and  Requiem,  in  the  pres- 
ence of  four  Fathers  and  the  Indian;;  from  Tubuta- 
ma,  Santa  Teresa,  Oquitoa,  and  Ati.   (1) 

However,  neither  perils  nor  hardships,  says  Arrici- 
vita,  terrihed  the  apostolic  men  to  whose  charge  the 
missions  were  intrusted.  They  continued,  as  well  as 
l^ossible,  to  keep  the  faith  alive  among  the  Indians, 
and  even  made  some  material  progress;  for  they  e- 
rected  brick  churches  at  Pitic,  Tubutama,  San  Igna- 
cio,  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  Saric,  and  Tucson.  Other 
church  buildings  were  repaired  and  roofed,  as  at  Tu- 
macacori,  (Jocospera,  and  Calabazas,  or  decorated  and 
furnished  with  new  vestments,  altar  vessels,  etc. 
They  also  continually  urged  the  neophytes  to  aban- 
don their  wild  life,  to  erect  dwellings  of  adobe  in 
regular  order,  and  roof  them  with  more  substantial 
material  than  grass,  so  that  tliey  might  defend  them- 
selves more  successfully.    (2) 

(1)  Fr.  Felipe  Guillen,  the  second  niLs-sioiiary  from  Quer^taro,  who  suffered 
a  violent  death  at  the  hands  of  pasan  Indians,  was  a  native,  of  Piles, 
Valencia,  Spain.  He  received  the  habit  of  St.  Francis  iu  the  province  of 
Valencia.  When  the  Fr.  Commissary  arrived  from  Quer(5taro  to  obtain 
recruits  for  the  missions  in  Mexico,  Fr.  Felipe  made  application  and 
was  accepted.  At  the  college  of  Quer6taro  he  was  known  as  one  of 
the  most  exact  and  fervent  observers  of  the  Seraphic  Rule.  At  his  request 
he  was  sent  to  the  Indian  missions  in  Texas,  and  labored  at  Mission  San 
Francisco  for  two  years,  when  ho  was  sent  to  Pimeria  Alta.  He  was 
placed  in  charge  of  Mission  San  Pedro  y  Pablo,  at  Tubutama,  eiglit 
leagues  from  the  nearest  mission.  There  Fr.  Felipe  worked  with  much 
zeal,  giving  instructions  morning  and  evening,  first  in  Spanish  then  in  In- 
dian. On  these  occasions  ho  led  in  reciting  the  rosary,  and  would  never 
be  absent  except  for  grave  reasons.  His  kindness  did  not  preserve  liim 
from  savage  fury.  At  the  time  of  his  death  which  occurred  on  April  27th, 
1778.  Fr.  Felipe  was  41  years  of  ago,  of  which  he  had  passed  nine  years 
in  the  apostolic  ministry.  For  eight  years  he  had  labored  among  the  na- 
tives. Arricivita,  524-.=i29.        (2)    Arricivita,  4So-189. 


—  124  — 


CHAPTER   XL 


Reception  Of  Palma  In  Mexico— Change  In  The  Government— Pkomises 
To  Palma— De  Ceoix's  Letters— Orders  Of  The  King— Missions  De- 
layed—Indians And  fathers  Disappointed— Change  In  The  Plans- 
Fathers  Gaeces  And  Diaz  Go  To  The  Colorado— The  Situation  On 
The  Colorado— Fr.  Juan  Diaz  Visits  De  Croix  At  Arizpe. 

When  Don  Anza  arrived  in  Mexico  to  report  on 
the  result  of  his  expedition  to  the  Port  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, he  was  most  graciously  received  by  A^iceroy 
Bucareli.  His  excellency  only  waited  for  the  account 
of  Fr.  Garces,  in  order  to  make  proper  arrangements 
for  the  founding  of  the  proposed  missions  and  the 
removal  of  the  Buenavista  and  the  Horcasitas  presi- 
dios to  the  Colorado  and  Gila  Rivers.  The  famous 
traveller  completed  his  report  in   January  1777. 

Meanwhile  Chief  Palma  and  his  three  companions, 
who  had  followed  Don  Anza  to  the  capital,  were  pre- 
sented to  the  viceroy  and  most  kindly  treated.  Pal- 
ma was  so  pleased  witli  his  reception  that  he  peti- 
tioned his  excellency  for  permission  to  be  baptized. 
He  also  begged  that  missionaries  be  sent  to  instruct 
and  make  Christians  of  his  people.  The  viceroy  there- 
upon ordered  Palma  and  his  companions  to  be  well 
instructed  and  to  be  baptized.  Palma  had  given  every 
proof  of  his  sincerity  and  good  will  to  Fr.  Garces 
from  the  latter's  first  appearance  among  the  Yumas. 
Unfortunately,  Palma  was  not  the  chief  of  his  whole 
tribe,  but  the  recognized  head  of  only  one  band  of 
Yumas.  His  friendship  alone  could  not  be  depended 
upon   to    secure   the    safety   of   the  missions. 

At  this  stage  the  proposed  missions  on  the  Colora- 
do   again   received   a   set-back :    the  original  plan    of 


foiinding  them  under  the  protection  of  two  presidios 
was  abandoned,  because  of  a  change  in  the  govern- 
ment. A  new  office  was  created,  that  of  comandan- 
te  general,  and  the  affairs  of  the  missions  taken 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  tlie  viceroy  and  placed  into 
the  hands  of  this  official,  who  acted  independently 
of  the  viceroy.  The  first  comandanto  general  was 
Don  Teodoro  De  Croix.  Inspector  O'Conor  wias  promo- 
ted to  the  governorship  of  Campeche,  and  Don  Anza 
appointed  governor  of  New  Mexico-.  Thus  the  fate 
Of  the  missions  was  in  the  hands  of  new  men,  who 
knew  nothing  of  the  circumstances^ 

However,  the  zealous  viceroy  was  not  willing  that 
the  Colorado  establishments  should  fail  of  realization. 
He,  therefore,  earnestly  recommended  those  mis- 
sions to  the  Comandante  General  De  Croix,  whilst 
he  acquainted  him  with  all  the  plans  and  steps  that 
had  been  taken  to  found  them.  De  Croix,  in  conse- 
quence, treated  Palma  and  companions  with  marked 
consideration.  He  promised  to  send  missionaries  and 
troops,  and  othe)'  things  t^liat  caused  the  Fathers 
much  annoyance  later  on,  as  Arricivita  remarks.  Tal- 
ma departed  for  home  much  pleased,  because  he  did 
not  doubt  the  promises  would  be  kept. 

Among  the  documents  given  him  by  the  viceroy, 
De  Croix  also  found  a  letter  from  Fr.  Garces;  to 
this  he  made  reply  in  ivlarch  1777.  He  acquainted 
the  Father  with  the  changes,  and  informed  him  that 
the  comandante  of  Monterey  had  been  ordered  to 
treat  the  Colorado  Indians  kindly  whenever  they 
came  to  the  coast  missions;  that  the  founding  of  the 
missions  should  not  be  delayed;  and  that  the  project 
of  transferring  the  presidios  of  Buenavista  and  Hor- 
casitas  to  the  Colorado  and  Gila  would  be  further 
considered.  Fr.  Garces  in  turn  forwarded  a  majj,  pre- 
pared by  Fr.  Font,  of  the  region  he  had  travelled  to 
San  Francisco  and  back  to  the  Colorado,  with  a  nar- 
rative of  his  visit  to  the  Moquis.  De  Croix  in   anoth- 


—  126  — 

er  letter  thanked  the  missionary,  and  said  he  hoped 
to  visit  that  country  in  person,  in  order  to  execute 
the  plans  that  had  been  formed  to  establish  the  mis- 
sions. A  severe  illness,  which  detained  the  coman- 
dante  general  in  Chihuahua,  prevented  further  steps. 

Meanwhile  the  king  himself  had  seen  a  copy  of 
Fr.  Garces'  diaries  and  Chief  Palma's  memorial  to 
the  viceroy  in  which  the  latter  asked  for  missiona- 
ries. His  Majesty,  thereupon,  instructed  De  Croix  to 
attend  to  Palma's  wishes  as  the  viceroy  had  done, 
and  to  have  the  missions  and  presidios  established  as 
proposed  by  Fr.  Garces.  Had  these  instructions  of 
the  king  been  executed,  the  missions  would  have 
been  placed  on  a  firm  basis,  and  paganism  on  tlie  Gi- 
la and  Colorado,  like  elsewhere,  would  have  disap- 
peared, instead  of  flourishing  for  more  than  a  hun- 
dred years  after.  Viceroy  Bucareli,  moreover,  in  Au- 
gust of  the  same  year  1777,  was  requested  to  thank 
the  indefatigable  missionary  Fr.  Garces  in  the  name 
of  the  king. 

Fr.  Garces,  like  Fr.  Junipero  kSerra  in  California, 
(1)  soon  discovered  that  his  projects  regarding  the 
missions,  for  which  he  had  travelled,  labored,  and 
suffered  so  much,  would  not  be  realized,  despite  the 
fine  promises  of  the  men  in  power.  Nothing  whatever 
was  done,  because  De  Croix  lay  sick  in  Chihuahua, 
and  when  he  had  recovered  he  did  not  find  it  con- 
venient to  visit  Sonora.  The  Yumas  waited  for 
some  sign  of  the  Spaniards  until  March  1778,  when 
Chief  Palma  journeyed  to  the  presidio  of  Altar  to 
ascertain  the  cause  of  the  delay.  The  captain  of  the 
troops  was  not  a  little  embarrassed  how  to  satisfy 
the  Indian.  He  endeavored  to  quiet  Palma  by  saying 
that  the  comandante  general  was  on  a  tour  of  in- 
spection in  the  east,  and  that  in  due  time  he  would 
reach   the   west  Avhen   the   i^roposed   work   would  pro- 

(1)    See  Franciscans  in  California,  page  82. 


—  127  — 

ceed.  Palma  apparently  satisfied  returned  to  his  peo- 
ple and  waited  patiently,  trusting  to  the  good  faith 
of  the  Avhite  men. 

He  saw  the  time  pass  by,  however,  and  tlie  close 
of  the  year  at  hand,  witliout  findino-  any  of  the  prom- 
ises made  to  him  in  Mexico  realized.  His  anxiety 
grew  day  by  day,  and  his  people  began  to  ridicule 
him,  and  declare  that  he  had  been  deceived;  and 
that  neither  missionaries  nor  soldiers  would  ever  set- 
tle on  the  Colorado.  Palma,  therefore,  undertook  an- 
other journey  to  Altar.  He  there  explained  the  crit- 
ical situation  among  his  i)eople,  and  liis  own  awk- 
ward predicament  in  consequence  of  the  failure  of 
the  Spaniards  to  keep  their  promises.  Don  Pedro  Tu- 
eros,  the  commander,  at  once  reported  the  matter  to 
Comandante  General    De    Croix    at   Chihuahua. 

The  latter  was  now  thoroughly  aroused.  Bound  by 
orders  from  the  king,  and  by  the  i)romises  he  him- 
self had  made  to  Palma  at  the  Mexican  capital,  and 
understanding  the  chief's  dilemma,  De  Croix  re 
solved  to  have  missionaries  go  to  the  Colorado  imme- 
diately. Under  date  of  Febr.  5th,  1779,  he  wrote  to 
the  Fr.  President  of  the  missions  and  to  Fr.  Garces, 
urging  them  to  take  the  matter  in  hand  without 
delay. 

The  Fr.  President  resolved  to  send  Fr.  Garces  with 
another  Religious  to  the  Yuma  country,  and  for  this 
purpose  invited  Fr.  Garces  and  Fr.  Juan  Diaz  to  a 
conference  with  him.  De  Croix's  wishes  and  the  sit- 
uation among  the  Indians  were  discussed,  and  it  was 
decided  that  Fr.  Diaz,  who  had  accompanied  Anza 
on  the  first  expedition,  should  proceed  to  the  Colora- 
do with  Fr.  Garces  as  soon  as  the  secular  authorities 
had  furnished  the  necessary  guards  and  supplies.  Tlie 
Fathers  deemed  it  worse  than  useless,  under  the  cir- 
cumstances, to  make  an  attempt  at  founding  missions 
unless  a  strong  guard  and  sufficient  provisions  had 
been  supplied  from  the  very  beginning.  These  precau- 


—  i28  — 

tions  were  more  necessary  on  the  Colorado  than  any- 
where else;  for  the  Indians  had  lost  confidence  in 
the  good  faith  of  the  Spaniards,  so  that  there  was 
good  reason  to  fear  the  new  missions  might  share 
the  fate  of  the  mission  at  Pitiqui. 

The  comandante  general  was  informed  of  the  de- 
cision of  the  Fathers,  wherenpon  he  ordered  the  civ- 
il and  military  officers  to  furnish  whatever  was 
Heeded.  Governor  Pedro  Corbalen  readily  agreed  to 
i:)rocure  the  provisions;  but  Captain  Fed.  Tueros  con* 
Ceded  a  few  soldiers  with  much  reluctance,  claiming 
that  he  had  not  enough  good  soldiers  to  defend  the 
province. 

Nevertheless,  Fr.  Garces  declared :  "We  must  have 
confidence  in  God  for  whose  sake  we  go;  nor  should 
we  fear  in  tliis  case  what  happened  to  the  mission  at 
Pitiqui.  1  am  convinced  that  the  king's  charge  will 
be  carried  out,  and  that  soon  a  presidio  will  arise  on 
the  Colorado." 

When  Don  Anza  was  consulted  he  also  urged  the 
necessity  of  missions  on  the  Colorado,  but  at  the 
same  time  declared  that  for  the  protection  of  the 
missions  a  garrison  sliould  be  placed  there  consisting 
of  a  greater  number  of  soldiers  than  usually  are 
found  at  presidios.  He  did  not  approve  of  the  trans- 
fer of  the  presidios  of  Buenavista  and  Horcasitas, 
because  they  were  needed  in  their  respective  locali- 
ties. 

The  Fathers  realized  that  in  establishing  so  distant 
a  mission  under  these  circumstances  there  was  great 
danger ;  but  delay  was  undesirable,  and  they  hoped 
for  an  early  establishment  of  the  presidio.  When 
therefore  Fr,  Garces  heard  of  the  scarcity  of  troops 
in  the  province,  lie  contented  himself  with  asking 
for  only  fifteen  soldiers  and  a  sergeant;  but  twelve 
was  all  he  could  obtain.  Though  the  case  was  urgent, 
the  time  from  February  to  July  was  spent  in  prepa- 
rations. At  last   the   necessary  supplies  were  accumu- 


—  m  — 

lilted  so  that  Fathers  Garces  and  DiaZ  could  set  out 
on  August  tirst,  1779,  by  way  of  Sonoitac  which  they 
left  on  the  tenth.  Lack  of  fresh  water  after  some 
time  compelled  them  to  return  to  Sonoitac.  There  it 
was  decided  that  Fr.  Diaz  should  remain  with  the 
expedition  until  rain  set  in,  and  that  Fr.  Garces 
with  two  soldiers  and  a  guide  should  proceed  to  the 
Colorado  which  he  reached  on  the  last  of  August.  On 
September  3d  he  sent  back  the  two  soldiers  with  a 
letter  to  Fr.  Diaz  in  which  he  reported  "that  he  had 
found  the  people  very  discontented ;  that  the  Jalche- 
dunes  had  risen  against  the  Yumas  belonging  to  Pal- 
ma's  band;  that  the  latter  and  his  people  were 
cheerful  enough,  but  that  the  others  were  disagreea- 
ble ;  that  there  was  much  want  of  everything ;  that 
if  he  (Fr.  Diaz)  could  not  come  soon  he  should  send 
two  soldiers  with  beads,  some  flannel,  and  cloth, 
with  which  to  procure  food."  Together  with  this  let- 
ter he  sent  another  to  the  comandante  general  in 
which  he  described  the  situation,  and  declared  that 
extraordinary  and  effective  measures  must  be  taken 
to  prevent  certain  destruction.  A  third  letter  some 
time  after  was  directed  to  the  college  at  Queretaro. 

The  two  soldiers  with  their  letters  arrived  at  Sono- 
itac about  the  same  time  that  a  Pai)ago  Indian 
spread  the  rumor  of  an  Indian  outbreak.  Two  sol- 
diers had  gone  to  Altar  for  supplies,  and  the  four 
with  Fr.  Diaz,  on  hearing  the  news,  at  once  fled 
to  the  presidio  leaving  the  Father  alone.  AVhen  Cap- 
tain Tueros  heard  the  story  he  requested  the  Fathers 
to  abandon  the  Colorado  mission  plan;  but  Fr.  Diaz 
replied  that  the  rumor  of  an  Indian  revolt  was  un- 
founded; that  the  missionaries  were  not  at  liberty  to 
withdraw;  that  Fr.  Garces  was  already  at  his  post  in 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  comandante  general ;  and 
that  therefore  they  would  continue  what  was  begun. 
Accordingly  he  set  out  alone  and,  after  many  hard- 
ships,   joined    his    companion    on    the    Colorado.   Fr. 


^  130  -^ 

i)iaz,  tdge'lier  with  Fr.  Garces,  then  wrote  to  the 
governor  under  date  of  November  5th,  asking  him 
for  some  assistance  that  they  might  procure  food.  A 
report  of  what  so  far  had  been  accomplished,  in  obe- 
dience to  his  orders,  was  also  forwarded  to  the  co- 
mandante  general  v/ith  a  petition  to  take  effective 
steps  to  place  the  missions  on  a  firm  basis.  They  de- 
clared that  they  and  tv.elve  soldiers  could  not  sub- 
sist on  their  salaries  alone  and  retain  the  good  will 
of  the  Indians  who  from  day  to  day  were  growing 
more  dissatisfied  with  the  Spaniards. 

The  Fathers  were  quite  justified  to  make  this 
statement;  for  as  soon  as  Fr-  Diaz  reached  the  Colo- 
rado on  October  2d,  1779,  the  missionaries  found 
themselves  surrounded  by  an  eager  and  noisy  croAvd. 
of  Yumas  who  came  to  receive  the  tobacco,  cloth, 
and  other  articles  which  Palma,  relying  on  the  prom- 
ises of  De  Croix  in  Mexico,  had  led  them  to  expect 
from  the  Fathers  and  soldiers.  With  promises  of 
such  things  the  natives  had  so  far  been  kept  quiet; 
it  was  but  natural  that  they  should  give  expression 
to  their  disappointment  when  they  saw  the  missiona- 
ries appear  with  empty  hands.  In  a  letter  to  the  Fa- 
thers of  the  college  Fr.  Garces  mildly  gave  vent  to 
what  he  felt  at  seeing  liimself  a  victim  of  unkept 
promises:  "When  the  Caballero  ordered  me  to  come 
to  this  tribe,  he  commanded  me  to  catechize  and  bap- 
tize every  one,  because  he  had  conceived  a  lofty  idea 
of  the  disposition  of  tlie  tribe  towards  Christianity, 
and  of  the  imaginary  dominion  of  Palma,  The  Cabal- 
lero should  have  come  in  person,  and  I  supposed, 
judging  from  Captain  Anza's  letters,  that  at  least 
eighty  men  had  been  destined  for  this  river  mission ; 
the  force  is  not  so  large,  yet  it  is  expected  to  be 
sufficient  to  avert  war."  In  the  mean  time  the  Fa- 
thers, with  the  twelve  soldiers  and  two  interpreters 
who  had  joined  the  missionaries  on  the  Colorado,  act- 
ually  sull'ered   for  want  of   something   to  eat.    To  ob- 


trtin  wliat  was  needed  they  offered  to  tlie  Indians 
clothing,  tobacco,  beads,  and  other  things  in  ex- 
change for  food. 

The  soldiers  particularly  were  discontented,  because 
of  the  absence  of  cigarettos,  tortillas,  and  even  more 
necessary  articles,  so  that  Fr.  Garces  found  himself 
obliged  once  more  to  expose  the  situation  to  the 
comandante  general  under  date  of  November  6th.  The 
Father  intimated  that  all  had  expected  to  be  pro- 
vided with  the  necessaries  of  life  at  least,  since  they 
had  come  in  obedience  to  his  wishes.  De  Croix  re- 
ceived Fr.  Garces'  letters  on  November  13th  at  Aris- 
pe,  whither  he  had  gone  after  his  recovery.  When 
the  Fathers  heard  of  this  they  sent  Fr.  Juan  Diaz 
to  Arispe  in  order  to  explain  their  needs  more 
graphically.  Fr.  Juan  Antonio  Barraneche  was  ordered 
to  replace  Fr.  Diaz  on  the  Colorado  in  the  mean 
time.   (1) 


CHAPTER   XII. 


De  Croix— Two  Pueblos  To  Be  Founded  On  A  New  Plan— Remaekablb 
Regulations— Protest  Of  Fr.  Garces— Banxroft's  Opinion— Spanish 
Contempt  Foe  The  Indians— Rage  Of  The  Yumas— Efforts  Of  Teie 
Fathers— Palma  Arrested -The  Yumas— Don  Rheea. 


On  arriving  at  the  residence  of  De  Croix,  Fr.  Juan 
Diaz  explained  the  perilous  and  emljarrassing  po- 
sition of  the  Fathers  to  the  comandante,  and  clearly 
described  the  situation  among  the  soldiers  and  In- 
dians. He  repeated  what  Fr.  Garces  had  time  and  a- 
gain  asked  of  the  secular  authorities :  that  more  ef- 
fective measures  should  be  taken  to  insure  the  safety 

(1)    Arricivita.  489-197. 


—  u^  -^ 

of  all  concerned,  because  not  much  reliance  could  be 
placed  upon  the  fidelity  of  Palm  a,  as  his  authority 
was  recognized  in  one  small  rancheria  only,  while 
there  vrere  many  Indians  exceedingly  hostile  to  the 
Spaniards. 

"Unhai)pily"  says  Arricivita,  "it  is  the  misfortune 
of  those  in  authority  to  be  surrounded  by  political 
schemers,  who  through  flattery  gain  their  objects  not- 
withstanding the  plain  and  convincing  statements  of 
disinterested  and  experienced  men." 

Thus  it  was  that  De  Croix,  though  he  listened  to 
Fr.  Diaz's  report,  came  to  the  remarkable  determina- 
tion of  establishing  tiuo  mission  pueblos  among  the 
Yumas,  in  accordance  with  an  entirely  new  and  un- 
tried system  devised  for  the  occasion.  The  principal 
aim  seems  to  have  been  to  do  that  which  could  not 
be  avoided,  without  displeasing  the  king,  at  the 
smallest  possible  cost. 

Accordingly,  formal  instructions  for  organizing  and 
governing  two  pueblos  were  issued  on  March  20, 
1780.  These  regulations,  dictated  by  a  spirit  inflated 
with  lofty  political  notions,  were  i^racticable  at 
towns  established  in  the  heart  of  Christianity  and 
civilization,  whose  inhabitants  were  of  a  peaceful 
and  submissive  turn  of  mind,  but  out  of  place 
among  a  wild  people  unused  to  restraint  of  any 
kind.  In  these  instructions  the  missionaries  appeared 
to  be  ornaments  rather  than  the  spiritual  fathers  the 
Indians  had  learned  to  consider  them.  They  had  on- 
ly to  give  catechetical  instructions  and  administer 
the  Sacraments,  but  were  deprived  of  the  means 
wherewith  to  attract  the  savages,  and  without  the 
authority    which  the  Indians  had  learned  to  respect. 

In  regard  to  the  temporal  matters  of  the  new  pue- 
blos, the  regulations  directed  "That  the  sites  should 
bo  surveyed  and  divided  into  lots  on  which  houses  of 
uniform   size  and  shape  should   be   erected,    and   that 


—  133  — 

this  slioiild  also  be  observed  in  the  Iniihliiius  con- 
structed for  those  Indians  wlio,  persuaded  l)y  tlie 
missionaries  and  attracted  by  the  good  example 
and  sweet  manners  of  the  settlers,  might  wish  to 
join  themselves  to  the  puel)lo."  Hence  the  Indians 
"were  not  to  live  in  community,  as  at  other  missions, 
but  they  were  to  be  at  liberty,  like  the  pagans, 
to  roam  wherever  they  pleased ;  this  made  it  very 
difficult  for  the  missionaries  to  instruct  them,  and  to 
extinguish  the  fire  of  hatred  against  the  Spaniards 
burning  within  them.  In  this  system  the  Indians 
were  under  no  obligations  to  listen  to  the  missiona- 
ries, and,  as  the  hitter  had  no  presents  Avherewith  to 
attract  the  natives,  very  few  could  l)e  induced  to 
become  Christians.  Each  pueblo  was  to  have  ten  sol- 
diers,   ten   settlers,    and   six  laborers. 

Nor  was  there  any  lack  of  rules  and  regulations 
concerning  the  spiritual  affairs  of  the  new  settle- 
ments. "All  shall  look  upon  the  Rev.  missionaries  as 
their  true  and  legitimate  pastors,  and  shall  reverence 
them  as  such,"  these  wonderful  instructions  declare. 
"On  the  other  hand  the  Rev.  Fathers  shall  watch 
over  the  observance  of  the  Divine  Law,  freciuently 
exhorting  all  to  lead  a  Christian  life;  a^id  if  any  one 
shall  disregard  their  admonitions  and  shall  give  bad 
example  in  the  pueblos,  the  military  commander  shall 
be  notified,  and  the  case  examined.  If  the  accused  be 
found  guilty  he  shall  be  punished  in  proportion  to  the 
gravity  of  the  matter.  Tlie  same  practise  shall  be 
observed  by  the  Fathers  in  correcting  the  Christian 
Indians."  "Hence,"  Arricivita  continues,  "the  mis- 
sionaries, charged  with  the  conversion  of  the  Indians, 
were  to  proceed  in  accordance  with  the  Divine  Laws 
and  the  rules  of  the  king,  with  sweetness  and  kind- 
ness teaching  them  the  saving  truths  of  our  religion, 
to  exhort  those  that  voluntarily  asked  for  Baptism, 
and  to  instruct  them  regarding  the  obligations  of  a 
Christian,  so  that    tUey   might   obtain    aduiission   into 


—  184  — 

the  pale  of  the  Church  with  more  understanding, 
and  thus  ground  themselves  more  firmly  in  the  Cath- 
olic faith  which  they  were  to  profess.'' 

The  missionaries  must  have  felt  much  elated,  says 
Arricivita,  at  the  lofty  titles  applied  to  them,  and  at 
the  information  that  they  were  true  and  legitimate 
pastors ;  but  from  this  lofty  pinnacle  they  were 
quickly  brought  to  the  proper  level  on  learning  that 
their  jurisdiction  Avas  confined  to  exhorting,  saying 
Mass,  and  administering  the  sacraments  to  Spaniards 
and  Indians;  and  that  in  case  their  exhortations 
were  despised,  these  true  and  legitimate  pastors  en- 
joyed the  distinguished  privilege  of  informing  the 
sergeant  who  could  decide  for  himself  which  of  the 
two  was  right,  the  missionary  or  the  accused;  but  if 
he  himself  happened  to  be  the  guilty  one,  the  mis- 
sionaries found  no  remedy  and  would  have  to  suffer 
the  consequences,  as  eventually  they  did. 

It  was  strange  that  De  Croix  should  have  gone  be- 
yond his  jurisdiction  and  obtruded  himself  as  the 
teacher  of  the  missionaries  in  what  concerned  the  a- 
postolic  ministry.  Had  he  read  attentively  the  re- 
ports and  diaries  of  those  very  missionaries,  he  must 
have  seen  that  those  Fathers  knew  very  well  how  to 
attract  and  convert  pagan  Indians  "according  to  the 
Divine  Law.''  De  Croix's  instructions  gave  evidence 
of  a  mind  full  of  conceit,  but  devoid  of  experience. 
A  learned  author  and  practical  missionary,  quoted 
but  not  named  by  Arricivita,  Avriting  about  the  im- 
portance of  missionary  establishments  in  which  the 
natives  should  be  civilized  and  Christianized  at  the 
same  time,  rightly  says:  ''The  first  care  of  the  gov- 
ernment should  be  to  conquer  the  fierceness  and  un- 
restraint of  those  people,  teach  them  the  knowledge 
of  what  they  are,  and  lead  them  to  the  practice  of 
a  social  and  civilijied  life;  for  othcrwiee  we  teach  in 
vain  what  is  divine  and  coleatial  to  thoa©  that  are 
incapable  of  understanding  even  materiul  things.'' 


—  135  — 

De  Croix  also  went  beyond  liis  powers  in  tlie 
temporal  affairs  of  the  missions;  for  he  wanted  the 
Indians  and  Spaniards  to  live  together  in  one  pue- 
blo, an  arrangement  the  king  had  expressly  forbid- 
den, as  being  a  principal  cause  of  oppression' and 
annoyance  of  the  Indians  at  the  hands  of  the  Span- 
iards. As  soon  as  Fr.  Garces  heard  of  the  new  plan 
he  repeatedly  protested,  and  gave  warning  that  the 
aspect  of  affairs  was  worse  than  ever;  that  the 
brother  of  Palma  and  the  son  of  Chief  Pablo,  who 
likewise  had  been  baptized  in  luexico,  were  stirring 
up  the  whole  tribe ;  that  a,  conspiracy  was  on  foot 
among  the  young  men  Avliich  aimed  at  nothing  less 
than  the  slaughter  of  the  missionaries  together  with 
the  Spaniards,  when  the  latter  should  have  arrived 
at  the  Colorado;  that  he  thought  them  capable  of 
the  deed  and  therefore  he  pleaded  for  a  superior 
force;  that  of  the  twelve  soldiers  assigned  as 
guards,  one  by  one  had  been  retained  at  Altar  every 
time  he  had  had  occasion  to  send  one  there  with 
reports ;  that  there  was  extreme  want  of  food,  and 
also  of  everything  with  which  food  could  be  pur- 
chased; that  in  view  of  the  danger  he  could  not 
spare  another  soldier,  and  therefore  sent  the  inter- 
preter, though  he  was  needed,    etc. 

The  entreaties  were  in  vain.  De  Croix  ordered  the 
soldiers  and  settlers  to  proceed  to  the  Colorado  as  he 
had  directed.  They  suddenly  arrived  at  the  Puerto 
de  la  Concepcion,  the  place  designated  for  the  begin- 
ning of  the  mission,  in  the  autumn  of  1780.  The  ex- 
pedition consisted  of  twenty  colonists,  twelve  labor- 
ers, and  twenty-one  soldiers.  All  brought  their  wives 
and  children. 

"It  must  be  admitted  that  De  Croix  acted  unwise- 
ly," says  Bancroft,  who,  when  possible,  defends  the 
secular  against  the  missionary  nuthorities.  *'The  timo 
and  placo  were  not  well  chosen  for  such  an  experi- 
ment. Awm  n  warm  advocate   of   th.e   Colorado  uus- 


—  136  — 

sions,  a  man  of  great  ability  and  experience,  and 
one  moreover  who  had  seen  the  Ynmas  and  their 
neighbors  at  their  best,  liad  expressed  his  opinion 
that  missions  conld  not  safely  be  founded  in  this  re- 
gion except  nnder  the  protection  of  a  strong  presi- 
dio. At  the  time  of  Anza^s  return  it  would  have 
been  hazardous  to  try  [the  experiment,  but  in  the 
light  of  the  reports  of  the  friars  it  was  a  criminall}/ 
stiqyid  blunder.'''^  (1) 

The  first  yjueblo  was  at  once  erected  under  the  ti- 
tle of  Concepcion,  and  tlie  settlers  took  possession  of 
the  fields  desi)ite  the  royal  law  Avhicli  forbade  them 
to  take  the  lands  of  the  Indians.  The  missionaries 
could  not  prevent  the  encroachment,  because  they 
had  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  temporal  man- 
agement. They  saw  with  deep  jiain  that  there  was 
not  to  be  as  much  tis  a  similarity  to  a  real  mission 
for  the  conversion  of  the  pagans  on  the  Colorado. 

It  was  a  lamentable  error  for  the  Spaniards  to 
come  under  tli9  impression  that  the  best  pieces  of 
land,  even  those  that  were  cultivated  by  the  Indians, 
belonged  to  the  settlers.  At  first  the  Indians  bore  the 
affronts  of  the  Spaniards  with  a  moderation  foreign 
to  their  fierce  nature,  but  they  were  greatly  disgust- 
ed M'lien,  on  complaining  to  the  officer  in  command 
about  tlie  unjust  treatment  of  the  Spaniards,  they  re- 
ceived the  reply  that  he  could  not  prevent  the  dam- 
age. The  natives  then  resolved  to  apply  a  remedy 
themselves.  Nor  could  the  commander  take  effective 
measures  to  frustrate  their  plans  of  revenge;  for  he 
knew  that  with  his  force  of  twenty  soldiers,  some  of 
Wiiom  were  sick,  he  could  not  seize  the  brother  of 
Palma,  nor  the  son  of  Chief  Pablo,  in  the  midst  of 
a  thousand  unfriendly  Indians.  The  settlers  could  a- 
vail  him  nothing,  for  they  had  neither  weapons  nor 
ammunition. 

Notwithstanding    these    unfavoral)le    conditions,  De 

(1)    IBaucroft,  Hist.  Calif.  I,  :J58;    "Franciscans  in  California,"  »9.92, 


—  137  — 

Croix  organized  a  second  ])nel)lo  among  tlie  Yumas, 
three  leagues  down  the  river  from  the  lirst,  under 
the  title  of  San  Pedro  y  Han  Pablo  del  Bicuner.  Fa- 
thers Juan  Diaz  and  Matias  Moreno  were  appointed 
missionaries  at  this  place,  while  Fathers  Francisco 
Garces  and  Juan  Barraneche  had  charge  of  Concep- 
cion.  The  same  number  of  soldiers,  settlers,  and  la- 
borers with  their  families  took  possession  of  the  new 
mission  as  at  Conce])cion. 

A  similar  disregard  for  the  rights  and  feelings  of 
the  Indians  was  displayed  at  the  second  colony,  thus 
destroying  any  slight  feeling  of  friendship  previously 
existing.  The  Fathers  for  a  time  with  difficulty  re- 
tained a  degree  of  influence.  They  established  a 
kind  of  missionary  station  at  some  distance  from 
the  pueblo,  where  the  natives  were  occasionally  as- 
sembled for  religious  instruction.  Some  of  them  were 
faithful  notwithstanding  the  unpopularity  thus  in- 
curred; but  their  influence  amounted  to  nothing  com- 
pared with  the  growing  hatred  among  the  thousands 
of   Yumas   and  neighboring  tribes. 

After  the  provisions  brought  from  Sonora  had 
been  exhausted  there  was  much  suffering  among  the 
Spaniards.  The  natives  refused  to  part  with  the  lit- 
tle corn  in  their  possession,  and  asked  exorbitant 
prices  for  the  wild  products  they  gathered.  In  their 
great  need  the  Spaniards  sent  to  San  Gabriel  for  as- 
sistance, and  were  given  those  articles  of  food  that 
could  be  spared  by  that  mission.  In  asking  for  this 
aid,  says  Palou,  they  declared  that'  if  it  were  not 
sent  they  would  have  to  abandon  the  Colorado  es- 
tablishments. 

Nevertheless  the  Spaniards  continued  in  their  con- 
tempt for  the  feelings  of  the  natives.  To  make  nuit- 
ters  worse  they  administered  an  occasional  flogging, 
or  confinement  in  the  stocks,  to  offending  Indians  to 
show  their  superiority.  This  was  most  galling  to  the 
natives.    The    Fathers    went    on    with    their    fruitless 


—  138  — 

task,  and  performed  their  duties  as  well  as  possible, 
though  well  aware  that  trouble  was  brewing  which 
would  result  in  their  own  destruction.  A  few  leading 
spirits  among  the  Yumas  were  constantly  inciting 
their  people  to  active  hostilities  in  order  to  revenge 
themselves  upon  their  oppressors.  Even  Palma  lost 
all  patience  with  the  Spaniards  and  joined  the  ring- 
leaders. This  unpleasant  state  of  afl'airs  might  have 
continued  for  an  indefinite  time,  but  in  the  spring  of 
1781  the  military  officer  took  it  into  his  head  to 
frighten  the  Indians  into  submission  to  Spanish 
whims.  He  had  chief  Palma  arrested  and  put  in  the 
stocks.  This  most  stupid  measure  was  an  overwhelm- 
ing blow  for  the  missionaries  Vvdio  well  understood 
what  must  follow  as  a  matter  of  course ;  for  natural- 
ly the  chief  would  feel  the  humiliation  intensely,  and 
leave  the  prison  more  furious  than  submissive ;  nor 
would  his  people  fail  to  avenge  the  insult  offered  to 
their  chief.  It  is  no  wonder  the  Indians  regretted 
having  allowed  themselves  to  be  so  deceived  by  An- 
za's  kindness  as  to  admit  into  their  country  men 
who  conducted  themselves  as  though  they  owned  the 
whole  region  together  with  its   inhabitants. 

When  Captain  Anza  and  his  soldiers  had  passed 
through  the  Yuma  country,  they  had  proved  them- 
selves liberal  with  tobacco,  beads,  and  other  articles, 
and  this  had  lead  them  to  believe  that  the  Spaniards 
possessed  inexhaustible  riches,  and  would  furnish 
everything  that  Indian  appetite  might  desire.  Instead 
of  this  they  received  injury  and  abuse,  and  dis- 
covered that  the  intruders  were  too  poor  to  provide 
even  the  most  necessary  articles  for  themselves. 
This  turned  their  former  friendship  into  contempt 
and  implacable  hatred.  The  Yumas,  seeing  how  little 
resistance  could  be  made  by  the  small  guard,  re- 
solved to  rid  themselves  of  the  Spaniards  and  thus 
become  mastersi  of  all  they  possessed.  When  Palma 
v,'aa  released  the  Iiidiaui  feigned  penitence  and  mh- 


—  139  — 

mission,  but  at  the  same  time  plans  were  laid  for  a 
general  massacre.  Fr.  Garces,  who  had  been  enthu- 
siastic about  the  disposition  sliown  by  the  Yumas, 
when  he  occasionally  visited  tliem  during  his  tours, 
had  learned  by  this  time,  as  did  many  a  missionary 
since,  that  to  visit  the  Indians  at  rare  intervals 
and  see  little  of  their  vices,  was  one  thing,  while 
to  live  among  them  for  the  purpose  of  instructing 
them,  was  another  and  a  very  diiferent  tiling. 

In  speaking  of  the  Yuma  nation  about  this  time, 
he  says:  "Since  they  are  not  accustomed  to  hunting, 
drunkenness,  roving  in  the  mountains,  eating  mezcal- 
es,  or  other  food  than  that  gathered  on  the  shore  or 
in  their  little  plots  of  ground,  nor  addicted  to  any 
kind  of  idolatry,  they  are  naturally  well  disposed  to- 
wards Christianity.  Nevertheless  there  are  many  diffi- 
culties to  be  overcome:  they  dislike  any  kind  of  re- 
straint; they  have  little  necessity  for  food,  which  is 
usually  the  principal  inducement  for  the  Indians; 
and  they  are  scattered  on  both  sides  of  the  river. 
Moreover,  tlie  Yumas  being  the  most  ignorant  of 
the  frontier  tribes,  and  exceedingly  dull  of  compre- 
hension, and  because  of  the  concubinage  generally 
practised,  few  between  the  ages  of  twenty  and  sixty 
can   be   baptized." 

These  obstacles,  however,  were  but  stimulants  to 
the  zeal  of  Fr.  Garces,  Arricivita  tells  us.  By  separat- 
ing the  catechumens  from  those  unwilling  to  accept 
Christianity,  and  by  placing  them  in  regular  missions, 
he  claimed  these  obstacles  could  be  overcome.  Un- 
fortunately, De  Croix'  system  made  this  arrangement 
impossible.  Tlie  Fathers,  therefore,  devised  another 
means  of  gathering  the  Indians  apart  from  the  Span- 
iards. They  erected  a  slianty,  al)out  a  league  and  a 
half  from  the  pueblo,  wh.ere  they  said  Mass  on 
fetitival  days,  and  often  remained  for  some  time  to 
visit  the  sick  in  the  neighboving  hovels,  to  concili* 
ate  tha  turbulent  characters,  and  to  induce  tlio    In- 


—  140  — 

dians  to  frequent  the  instructions.  It  was  while  at- 
tending to  their  priestly  duties  in  this  way  that  the 
missionaries  discovered  the  bloodthirsty  plans  of  the 
Yumas. 

Late  in  June  Capt.  Don  Fernando  Rivera  y  Mon- 
cada  arrived  from  Sonora  with  a  company  of  about 
forty  recruits  and  their  families,  who  were  on  their 
way  to  the  newly  formed  establishments  along  the 
Santa  Barbara  Channel.  From  the  Colorado  he  sent 
back  most  of  his  Sonoran  escort,  despatched  the 
main  company  to  San  Gabriel  in  charge  of  Alferez 
Simon  and  nine  men,  recrossed  the  Colorado,  and, 
with  eleven  or  twelve  men,  including  Sergeant  Rob- 
les  and  five  or  six  soldiers  sent  from  the  California 
presidios  to  meet  him,  encamped  on  the  eastern  bank 
opposite  Concei^cion,  where  he  proposed  to  remain  for 
some  weeks  to  restore  the  horses  and  cattle  to  their 
proper  condition,  before  beginning  the  trip  to  San 
Gabriel. 

Rivera's  coming  contributed  nothing  to  the  pacifi- 
cation of  the  natives,  but  had  a  contrary  effect;  for 
his  large  herd  of  live-stock  destroyed  the  mesquite 
plants  which  furnished  much  of  the  food  the  Indians 
w^ere  accustomed  to  use.  Nor  was  he  liberal  in  the 
distribution  of  gifts,  and  for  this  reason  the  Jalche- 
dunes  sent  him  word  that  they  did  not  care  to  re- 
tain the  l)adges  of  office  formerly  given  their  chiefs 
by  the  Spaniards.  From  his  choice  of  a  location  for 
his  camp,  it  is  evident  that  he  attached  little  im- 
portance to  this  significant  action  of  the  Yuma 
neighbors,  nor  shared  the  apprehensions  of  the  mis- 
sionaries.  (2) 

{2)    Arricivita  417-506;    Banc.  Hist.  Cal.  I.  35a-363;    Vida  del  Jimlpero   Ser^ 
ra,"  241-249. 


—  141  - 


CHAPTER    XIII. 


Indians  Grow  Insolent— Grief  Op  The  Fathers— tiiEiR  I^fforts- At- 
tack On  Concepcion— Fe.  Baeeaneche's  HeEoic  Deed— General  Mas- 
sacre At  San  Pedeo  Y  San  Pablo--Slaughter  Of  Rivera  And  His 
Men— Return  Of  The  Savages  To  Concepcion— Murder  Of  Fathers 
Garces  And  Baeeaneche— Burial— Discovert  Of  The  Bodies  Of  The 
Four  Martyrs— Transfer  Of  The  Bodies  To  Tubutama. 


Meanwhile  the  Indians  became  more  insolent,  and 
often  visited  the  towns  armed  and  in  a  quarrelsome 
mood.  Tliese  signs  of  an  impending"  storm  should 
have  awakened  the  Spaniards  to  see  the  necessity  of 
taking  steps  to  insure  their  safety;  but  nothing  was 
done  to  avert  the  disaster  which  the  Fathers  had 
predicted.  These  found  themselves  powerless  with 
both  the  Indians  and  the  Spaniards.  With  the  former 
their  influence  was  gone,  because  they  were  of  the 
same  nation  as  the  oppressors;  and  as  to  the  sol- 
diers and  settlers,  they  would  accept  neither  counsel 
nor  correction.  Nor  would  the  comandante  credit  the 
missionaries'  reports  about  the  bad  example  of  the 
Spaniards.  There  was  nothing  for  the  missionaries  to 
do  but  to  submit  to  the  inevitable.  Filled  with  grief 
they  now  turned  their  attention  to  their  misguided 
countrymen,  and  for  many  days  they  devoted  almost 
their  entire  work  (o  re-awaken  interest  in  religious 
exercises. 

By  fervent  addresses  they  strove  to  excite  the 
Spaniards  to  contrition  for  their  past  sins,  and  thus 
prepared  the  souls  of  the  unsuspecting  men,  women, 
and  children  for  the  death  that  was  imminent.  Their 
zealous  instructions  and  exhortations  opened  the 
eyes   of  many    so   that   they   frequently   received    the 


-  i4S  - 

Sacraments  of  Penance  and  Holy  Eucharist.  So  re- 
markable was  the  attendance  at  the  llosary,  Sta- 
tions, and  other  spiritual  devotions  that  the  two  lit- 
tle settlements  had  the  appearance  of  two  communi- 
ties of  Religious. 

On  Tuesday  July  17th,  1881,  the  storm  burst  upon 
the  unsuspecting  Spaniards.  The  bell  had  called  the 
faithful  to  the  early  morning  Mass  as  usual.  The  on- 
ly soldiers  at  Concepcion  were  Comandante  Don  San- 
tiago Islas  and  Corporal  Baylon.  These  with  the  wom- 
en and  children  proceeded  to  the  little  church,  while 
the  men  performed  their  duties  in  the  fields.  The  cor- 
poral remained  on  guard  to  see  that  the  Indians,  who 
as  on  the  day  before  were  prowling  about  with  their 
weapons,  made  no  disturbance.  Fr.  Barraneche  had 
already  celebrated  the  Holy  Sacrifice  and  was  making 
his  thanksgiving,  and  Fr.  Garces  had  commenced 
the  second  Mass.  After  the  Epistle,  while  the  missal 
was  removed  to  the  Gosjjel  side,  the  wild  yells  of  the 
Indians,  who  had  surrounded  the  church,  burst  on  the 
ears  of  the  worshippers.  Instantly  C^omandante  Islas 
rushed  out  to  get  his  weapons,  but  was  beaten  to 
death  with  clubs  and  sticks  as  soon  as  he  appeared. 
Fr.  Garces  left  the  altar,  and  Fr,  Juan  Barraneche 
hastened  out.  On  seeing  the  corporal  surrounded  by 
a  crowd  of  savages,  who  were  beating  him  with 
clubs,  the  intrepid  missionary  threw  himself  into 
their  midst,  and,  though  receiving  many  a  blow 
himself,  gave  the  dying  soldier  absolution.  After  this 
courageous  act  he  escaped  back  into  the  church.  Aft- 
er throwing  the  body  of  the  comandante  into  the 
river,  the  Indians  began  to  rob  the  dwellings  of  the 
Spaniards.  Some  of  the  savages  ran  to  the  fields  in 
search  of  tlie  white  men,  of  whom  they  killed  all  but 
a  few  who  had  found  it  possible  to  take  refuge  in 
the  church  or  priests'  house  which  were  not  molested 
that  day. 

In  the  afternoon   Fr.  Juan   Barraneche   slipped   out 


—  143  — 

to  bestow  the  last  sacraments  on  some  Spaniards 
whom  he  found  in  a  dying  condition.  The  niglit  fol- 
lowing, the  Fathers  exhorted  all  to  lose  no  time  in 
idle  lamentation,  but  to  receive  the  blow  in  a  spirit 
of  Christian  resignation,  and  as  a  imnishment  for 
their  sins. 

Much  more  thoroughly  and  ([uickly  did  the  savages 
complete  their  work  at  the  town  of  San  Pedro  y  San 
Pablo,  three  leagues  below,  where  Fathers  Juan  Diaz 
and  Matias  Moreno  were  stationed.  The  priests  had 
not  yet  celebrated  the  Holy  Sacrifice,  but  were  about 
to  give  the  last  sacraments  to  a  dying  person,  when 
the  mob  of  howling  savages  fell  upon  the  settlement 
with  diabolical  fuvy.  The  Fathers  were  among  the 
first  victims.  Fr.  Moreno's  head  was  cut  off  with  an 
ax.  Some  of  the  inhal)itants  were  taken  captive,  and 
compelled  to  cast  all  the  sacred  images  and  the  al- 
tar vessels  into  the  river.  Other  ornaments,  and  what- 
ever else  in  the  pueblo  seemed  of  value  to  the  ene- 
mies, were  carried  away  together  with  tlie  women. 
To  complete  the  work  of  destruction  the  Yumas  set 
fire  to  the  cliurch  and  Spanish  dwellings. 

As  the  Indians  did  not  reapx^ear  on  the  morning 
of  the  18th,  the  Fathers  at  Concepcion  thought  that 
savage  fury  had  subsided.  Fr.  Barraneche  therefore 
proposed  that  all  survivors  praise  God  and  the  Bless- 
ed Virgin  for  their  i)reservation.  Holy  Mass  was 
then  celebrated,  and  coming  events  awaited  until  a- 
bout  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  Fr.  Bar- 
raneche espied  the  savages  approaching  the  mission. 

The  Yumas  had  meanwhile  crossed  the  Colorado 
and  attacked  the  camp  of  Don  Fernando  Rivera  on 
the  Arizona  side  of  the  river.  Don  Fernando  Rivera 
had  hastily  thrown  up  some  slight  intrenchments, 
and  his  men,  consisting  of  one  sergeant  and  six  sol- 
diers, had  made  a  gallant  defence.  They  killed  many 
of  the  Indians,  l)ut  the  numbers  against  them  were 
too   great.  One   by   one  the   Spaniards   fell  under   the 


—  144  — 

&,rro\vs  and  clubs  of  the  enemy  until  hot  one  was 
left.  When  the  bloody  encounter,  which  lasted  till 
noon  on  the  18th,  had  ceased,  the  savages  recrossed 
tlie  river  in  order  to  finish  their  bloody  work  at 
Concepcion. 

Fr.  Barraneche  quickly  advised  each  one  to  make 
his  escape  as  well  as  possible,  as  no  one  need  look 
for  mercy  at  the  hands  of  the  infuriated  Yumas.  The 
Fathers  then  hastened  from  the  church  followed  by 
their  people.  They  reached  a  long  but  narrow  lagoon, 
and  were  at  once  seen  by  a  Spaniard,  who  lay 
wounded  on  the  other  bank,  crying  for  absolution. 
Fr.  Barraneche  immediately  cast  himself  into  the 
water.  As  the  lagoon  was  deep  he  got  into  imminent 
peril,  and  was  compelled  to  let  go  his  breviary  and 
crucifix  in  order  to  save  himself  by  seizing  an  over- 
hanging branch.  After  reaching  the  shore  he  heard 
tlie  wounded  soldier's  confession,  and  helped  him  to 
die  with  resignation. 

Fr.  Garces  meanwhile  divested  himself  of  his  cloak 
and  habit,  wliich  he  tore  into  suital)le  pieces  and  dis- 
tributed to  some  of  ^lis  followers  who  were  naked. 
Then  clad  in  his  tunic  only,  he  also  crossed  the  la- 
goon, and  togetlier  with  Fr.  Barraneche  proceeded  to 
the  hut  of  an  Indian  wonnin  who  had  always  mani- 
fested a  kind  interest  for  their  welfare.  The  husband 
of  the  wonum  also  kindly  received  the  missionaries, 
wherefore  both  Fathers  remained  in  hiding  at  their 
habitation  until  the  19th. 

When  the  savages  discovered  the  escape  of  the 
missionaries,  they  gave  vent  to  their  passions  by 
plundering  or  destroying  the  chapel  and  the  homes  of 
the  Spaniards.  A  discussion  then  arose.  Many  of  the 
Indians  declared  tiiat  they  had  enough  revenge ;  that 
the  Fathers  should  be  allowed  to  go  free  because 
they  had  a  good  heart;  and  that  no  elfort  should  be 
made  to  find  them. 

Talma  on  the  next  day  took  advantage  of  this  pre* 


^  l45  — 

disposition,  and  gave  orders  that  search  sliouhl  be 
made  for  the  Fathers;  that,  if  tliey  were  alive,  they 
should  be  kindly  brought  back  because  they  were  in- 
nocent and  good ;  and  that  no  injury  should  be 
done  them.  Unhappily,  among  those  sent  out  to  look 
for  the  missionaries  was  an  Indian  of  the  Nifora 
tribe.  Fr.  Garces  had  employed  this  wretch  as  in- 
terpreter; but  the  Indian  had  deserted  his  benefac- 
tor as  soon  as  the  revolt  broke  out. 

In  their  search  the  Yumas  finally  came  to  the  hut 
that  sheltered  the  two  missionaries.  As  soon  as  they 
were  discovered,  the  Nifora  traitor  exclaimed:  "If 
these  are  allowed  to  live  everything  is  lost,  because 
they  are  the  worst."  In  the  excitement  which  these 
words  produced,  the  Indians  forgot  Falma's  orders; 
they  fell  upon  the  two  priests  with  clubs  and  sticks, 
and  beat  them  to  death  before  the  eyes  of  the  old 
Indian  couple  who  could  do  nothing  to  prevent  the 
murder.  After  the  dei^arture  of  the  murderers  they 
reverently  buried  the  bodies  in  the  sandy  soil,  and 
Xdaced  a  cross  over    the  grave. 

Soon  the  news  of  the  massacre  reached  the  Pi  mas 
on  the  (liila,  and  from  them  it  travelled  to  the  I*apa- 
gos  around  Tucson.  Some  days  later,  in  August,  the 
rumor  was  confirmed  l^y  the  appearance  at  Altar  of 
one  of  the  captives  Avho  had  escaped.  The  captain 
immediately  rej^orted  the  matter  to  the  comandante 
general,  and  at  the  same  time  despatched  a  soldier 
to  the  Colorado  to  ascertain  the  facts.  The  soldier 
was  put  to  death  as  soon  as  he  arrived.  Comandante 
General  De  Croix,  whose  folly  had  brought  the  ca- 
lamity al)out,  was  at  last  convinced  that  something- 
serious  had  occurred  on  the  Colorado.  He  therefore 
ordered  Captain  Don  Pedro  Fages  with  his  company, 
likewise  Don  Pedro  Tueros,  commander  of  the  pre- 
sidio at  Altar,  to  proceed  to  the  Colorado,  to  ran- 
som  the  captives   by   means   of   beads,    llannels,    etc., 


—  146  — 

End  to  clinstise   the   murderera   afterwards,  (i) 

While  the  Spaniards  in  September  were  slowly  get- 
ting ready  to  start  for  the  Yuma  country,  a  soldier 
who  had  been  a  captive  arrived  with  a  letter  from 
Chief  Pal  ma,  in  which  the  latter  expressed  regret 
for  what  had  happened,  and  asked  pardon  for  the 
misdeeds.  The  letter  was  written  by  Don  Matias  an- 
other prisoner.  The  Spaniards,  however,  considered 
the  offence  so  perfidious  that  it  deserved  exemplary 
punishment,  and  for  that  purpose  at  last  left  the 
presidio  of  Altar. 

On  hearing  of  the  expedition  and  its  purpose, 
the  Fr.  President  of  the  missions  begged  the  coman- 
dante  general  to  have  the  bodies  of  the  four  mur- 
dered priests  brought  to  Tubutama  for  burial.  De 
Croix  readily  granted  the  request,  and  to  that  effect 
ordered  a  courier  to  follow  the  troops  who  had  ab 
ready  departed  some  time  before. 

The  Spaniards  crossed  the  Colorado  at  tlie  mouth 
of  the  Gila;  but  not  an  Indian  could  be  found  any- 
where. The  buildings  had  been  reduced  to  ashes;  the 
bodies  of  some  dead  settlers  or  soldiers  still  unbur- 
ied  were  interred,  when  the  Spaniards  resolved  to 
return  to  Sonora. 

They  had  already  reached  Sonoytac  late  in  Octo- 
ber, (2)  when  the  courier  bearing  orders  to  bring 
back  the  bodies  of  the  missionaries  arrived.  As  Don 
Pages  could  not  say  tliat  he  had  made  diligent 
search,  he  returned  with  his  soldiers  to  the  Colorado, 
and  this  time  first  examined  the  second  mission  site, 
of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  del  Bicuiier,  on  December 
7th,  nearly  five  months  after  the  massacre.  The    bod- 

(1)  Arricivita,   504-5n  ;  Bancroft  Hist.  Cal.  Vol.  1.  365-367. 

(2)  Bancroft  says  with  the  captives;  and  lie  also  states  that  before  retur- 
ning to  tlie  Colorado  Fag^s  held  an  examination  at  Sonita,  October  31st, 
and  took  the  testimony  of  six  men  who  had  survived  the  massacre.  Why 
Fag6s  should  do  this  on  the  road  and  not  wait  till  ho  had  recovered  the 
bodies  of  the  missionaries,  is  not  clear.  We,  therefore,  prefer  to  follow 
Arricivita's  and  Palou's  narrative. 


lee  of  the  rIqiu  still  lay  wliere  they  liacl  fallen.  The 
remains  of  Fatliers  Diaz  and  Moreno  were  found 
close  together.  Those  of  Fr.  Diaz  were  recognized  at 
once ;  but  the  head  of  Fr.  Moreno  was  gone ;  tlie  bod- 
y,  liowever,  was  identified  by  the  patched  habit,  liis 
cord,  and  the  crucifix  which  he  always  liad  worn  on 
his  breast.  Otherwise  the  bodies  were  intact,  and  no 
one,  from  their  condition,  could  have  guessed  that 
five  months  had  elapsed  since  the  two  religious  had 
been  murdered.  Here  also  nothing  vras  left  of  the 
pueblo,  but  ashes  and  a  few  remnants  of  buildings. 
The  remains  of  the  two  Fathers  were  placed  in  a 
box,  and  preparations  made  to  transfer  them  to  So- 
nera as  directed. 

Search  was  now  instituted  at  Concepcion,  three 
leagues  up  the  river,  for  Fathers  Garces  and  Barran- 
eche.  As  they  could  not  be  found  anywhere  near  the 
mission  site,  it  was  fondly  hoped  that  the  missiona- 
ries had  been  spared,  because  Fr.  Garces  was  much 
beloved  by  the  Indians  all  over  the  country.  Al- 
mighty God,  however,  says  Arricivita,  would  not  de- 
prive his  servant  of  the  honor  and  merit  of  shedding 
his  blood  for  the  faith  ;  the  faithful  religious  there- 
fore   shared   the   lot  of  his  brethren. 

While  the  soldiers  were  scouring  the  surrounding 
country  in  search  of  the  Fathers,  dead  or  alive,  they 
espied  a  piece  of  ground  which,  unlike  the  parched 
land  around,  was  covered  witli  a  green  growth.  On 
drawing  nearer  they  found  a  spot  covered  with  green 
grass  and  a  variety  of  beautiful  llowers,  some  known 
and  some  unknown  to  them,  among  which  the  ir.ari- 
gold  was  conspicuous.  Captain  Pedro  Tueros  (3) 
ordered  the  soldiers  to  dig,  and  after  some  time  to 
the  joy  and  surprise  of  all,  the  uncorrupted  bodies  of 
Fathers  Garces  and  Barraneche  were  discovered  lying 
side  by  side,  clad  in  their  tunics,  and  girdles. 

The    remains    of    the    four    faithful    religious    were 

(3)    Bancroft  has  Fueros, 


—  l48  — 

then  placed  in  one  chest  and  later  on  conveyed  to 
Tubutama,  where  after  the  nsual  ceremonies  they  re- 
ceived a  most  honorable  burial  on  the  Epistle  side  of 
the  main  altar. 

After  having  discovered  the  bodies  of  the  I'onr 
inartyred  priests,  the  commander  of  the  troops  direct- 
ied  his  attention  to  the  rescue  of  the  captives  which 
he  effected  after  some  difficulty ;  for  the  Yumas  had 
fled  from  that  part  of  the  country  in  consequence 
of  a  singular  incident  which  had  thrown  them 
into  consternation.  According  to  the  testimony  of 
the  captives,  every  night  after  the  massacre  at  San 
Pedro  y  San  Pablo  a  procession  was  seen  of  people 
dressed  in  white,  holding  burning  candles  in  their 
hands,  who  preceeded  by  one  carrying  a  cross  and 
two  candle  bearers,  marched  round  about  the  place 
where  the  mission  liad  stood;  that  the  members 
of  the  procession  sang  hymns  which  could  not  be 
understood;  and  that  after  having  marched  around 
many  times  the  procession  disappeared. 

This  occurred  for  many  nights,  and  was  seen  not 
only  by  the  Christian  prisoners,  but  likewise  by  the 
savages  among  whom  it  caused  such  a  dread  that 
they  abandoned  their  land  and  removed  eight 
leagues  farther  down  the  river.  For  this  reason  th'e 
soldiers  at  first  could  not  discover  the  Indian  camps. 
The  commander  now  saw  that  for  the  time  being  he 
could  take  no  further  action;  he  therefore  deter- 
mined to  return  with  the  women  and  cliildren  he 
had  rescued,  and  to  bear  the  precious  relics  of  the 
martyrs  to  Sonora  as  directed. 

De  Croix  was  determined  to  have  the  ringleaders 
of  the  revolt  captured  and  the  whole  tribe  punished. 
On  September  10th  he  had  forwarded  to  Governor 
JSfeve  of  California  the  resolutions  of  the  council  of 
the  day  before,  to  the  end  that  he,  as  the  proper  of- 
ficial to  direct  all  military  operations  in  California, 
might   on   hearing   of  Fages'    arrival   at  the   Colorado 


—  149  — 

send  orders  or  go  in  person  to  take  command.  Neve 
accordingly  lind  prepared  a  force,  composed  chiefly 
of  men  waiting  to  found  Santa  Barbara.  Fages  liarl 
later  on  been  instructed  to  march  without  delay  to 
attack  the  Yumas,  He  was  to  announce  his  arrival 
to  Neve,  and  if  his  llrst  charge  on  the  foe  was  not 
decisively  successful  in  securing  the  death  of  the  Yu- 
ma leaders,  and  establishing  a  permanent  peace,  the 
command  was  to  be  transferred  to  Neve,  and  milita- 
ry operations  were  to  be  continued.  After  the  enemy 
was  fully  conquered  the  governor  was  to  select  a, 
proper  site  for  a  presidio  on  the  Colorado,  which 
would  afford  adequate  protection  to  future  settle- 
ments, and  report  in  full  as  to  the  number  of  men 
and  other  help  required.  Government  aid  was  to  b© 
furnished  to  the  families  who  had  survived  the  mas- 
sacre. 

These  resolutions  of  the  council  Vv^ere  not  received 
by  Fages  until  he  had  returned  from  his  second  trip, 
or  at  least  not  until  it  was  too  late  to  carry  them 
out.  The  orders  were  therefore  somewhat  modified  by 
the  council  on  January  2d,  1782,  Fages  with  forty 
men  was  then  ordered  to  press  on  as  rapidly  as  pos- 
sible to  San  Gabriel,  where  he  should  receive  instruc- 
tions and  aid  from  Neve.  Meanwhile  Tueros  with  a 
sufficient  force  was  to  reach  the  Colorado  by  April 
1st,  and  there  await  orders  from  Neve.  The  governor 
Was  instructed  to  take  all  the  available  troops  in 
California,  and  to  begin  the  campaign  by  the  1st  of 
April. 

Fages  seems  to  have  arrived  at  San  Gabriel  late  in 
March.  After  reading  the  despatches  brought  by  this 
officer,  the  governor  decided  that  it  was  too  early  in 
the  season  for  effective  operations  on  the  Colorado, 
on  account  of  the  high  water,  and  therefore  he  post- 
poned the  campaign  until  September,  when  the  rivar 
would  be  fordable,  and  the  Yuma  harvest  serve  as 
desirable  spoils  for  native  allies.   Fag^s  was  sent  to 


—  150  — 

the  Colorado  to  give  corresponding  instructions  to 
Tueros,  who  wns  to  proceed  to  Sonora  and  wait, 
while  Fages  returned  to  wait  in  California.  De  Croix 
seems  to  have  approved  the  change  of  the  plan,  for 
on  May  16th  the  council  once  more  met  at  Arizpe 
to  issue  thirteen  resolutions  respecting  the  fall  cam- 
paign, the  substance  of  which  was  that  about  one 
hundred  and  sixty  men  were  to  be  on  the  east  bank 
of  the  Colorado  on  the  morning  of  September  15th 
to  meet  the  California  troops,  and  show  the  rebell- 
ious Yumas  the  power  of  Spanish  arms. 

The  resolutions  were  executed  to  a  certain  extent. 
The  campaign  began  at  the  time  stated,  but  Palma 
nnd  other  ringleaders  Avere  not  captured,  nor  the 
Yumas  subdued.  After  killing  one  hundred  and 
eight  Indians,  capturing  eighty-five  others  of  both 
sexes,  liberating  ten  Christian  prisoners,  and  driving 
away  1,408(?)  horses,  the  officers  persuaded  them- 
selves that  peace  was  restored.  Yet  the  tribe  of  the 
Yumas  remained  independent  of  all  Spanish  control, 
and  was  more  or  less  hostile  to  the  whites,  until  se- 
verely chastised  and  subdued  by  the  troops  of  the 
United  States  about  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  "Neither  presidio,  mission,  nor  pueblo  was 
ever  again  established  on  the  Colorado;  and  commu- 
nication by  tliis  route  never  ceased  to  be  attended 
with  danger.  Truly,  as  the  Franciscan  chroniclers  do 
not  fail  to  point  out,  the  old  way  was  best;  the  in- 
novations of  Croix  had  led  to  nothing  but  disaster; 
the  nuevo   nwdo   de   conqulsiar  was  a  failure."    (4) 

Naturally  the  Fr.  President  of  the  missions,  Fr. 
Francisco  Antonio  Barbastro,  was  anxious  to  have 
the  memory  of  the  four  murdered  Fathers  cleared 
from  all  blame  of  the  calamity  that  befel  the  pue- 
blos on  the  Colorado.  Moreover  many  particulars 
Were  obtained  from  the  ransomed  captives  which   ap- 

(4)       Arricivita  50i-5l5;       Palou,  "Vida,"  240-253;       Bancroft,  Hist.  Calif.  I. 
3C2-;571 ;  Ulopson.  Hist;  Cathoiic  Church  ia  California,  87-93* 


—  151  — 

peared  so  remarkable  that  iiiuler  date  of  February  4, 
1782,  he  petitioned  Don  Fages  to  institute  a  juridi- 
cal inquiry  as  to  the  virtues,  labors,  conduct,  and 
death  of  tlie  four  Franciscans  wJio  had  lost  their 
lives  on  the  banks  of  the  Colorado.  Don  Fages  a- 
greed  to  the  request.  The  information  gatliered  was 
drawn  up  in  writing  and  sworn  to  by  the  Avitnesses. 
From  this  report  (5)  it  is  evident  that  the  private 
lives  and  puldic  conduct  of  the  four  priests  were  a- 
bove  reproach ;  that  their  zeal  for  the  conversion  of 
the  pagans  was  fervent  and  unceasing,  despite  the 
many  hardships  and  the  hopelessness  of  their  labors 
on  account  of  the  circumstances  surrounding  them; 
that  in  no  way  were  they  the  cause  of  the  revolt 
and  of  the  ruin  of  the  mission  pueblos,  which  must 
on  the  contrary  be  attributed  to  the  shortsightedness 
of  the  government  officials;  that,  according  to  the 
narrative  of  Captain  Pedro  Tueros,  who  was  present 
at  the  exhumation  of  the  bodies  of  Fathers  Garces 
and  Barraneche,  these  appeared  fresh  and  entire; 
and  that  on  the  spot  where  the  remains  had  been 
buried  [l)y  an  Indian  woman,  many  fragrant  flowers, 
of  a  kind  not  seen  about  there,  had  grown  up,  whilst 
the  soil  all  around    was   dry    and    parched. 

This  satisfied  the  Fathers,  wherefore  some  years 
later  the  relics  were  taken  to  the  mother  house  at 
Quer^taro,  and  there  solemnly  interred  on  July  19th, 
1794.  A  sermon  on  the  virtues  and  merits  of  tlie 
four  martyrs  was  delivered  in  Spanish  by  Father  Di- 
ego Miguel  Bringas  de  Manzande,  and  another  in 
Latin  by  Father  Jose   Maria   Carranza.    (6) 

Thus  came  to  an  end  the  work  and  the  grand 
plans  of  Fr.  Garces  fol*  the  conversion  of  the  Indians 
on  the  Gila  and  the  Colorado  rivers.  No  other  son  of 

(f>)    For  full  report  see  Appendix.  (6)     Arrlcivita,  niO-514;    Palou,  "Vi- 

da",  247-252;  Bancroft,  Hist.  Cal.  Vdl.  I,  367-271;  Gleeson,  Hist.  Cath. 
Church,  92;  Shea,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,  Vol,  IV,  33S-348;  Shea's  accfttiht 
13  erroneous  in  several  places. 


-^  152  — 

St,  Francis  ever  again  visited  the  Yumas  in  their 
camps  on  the  Colorado  until  more  than  a  hundred 
years  after. 

About  the  middle  of  the  centur.v  the  Government 
of  the  United  States  erected  a  military  post  on  the 
hill  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  River.  The 
buildings  were  constructed  at  an  expense  of  1,000,000 
dollars.  In  1884  the  structures  were  transferred  to  the 
Department  of  the  Interior  for  the  education  of  the 
Yuma  children.  After  experimenting  with  a  Protest- 
ant teacher  for  a  year,  and  finding  that  the  Indians 
would  not  send  their  children,  the  Commissioner  of 
Indian  Affairs  resolved  to  put  the  place  in  charge  of 
Catholic  Sisters.  The  proposition  was  to  be  accepted 
or  declined  immediately.  At  the  earnest  solicitation 
of  Fr.  Zephyrin  Engelhardt,  O.  F.  M.,  who  during 
January  and  Felu-uary  1886  was  at  Washington  in  be- 
luilf  of  the  Menominee  missions  of  Wisconsin,  the 
Rev,  Mother  Agatha,  Superioress  General  of  the  Sis- 
ters of  St.  Joseph  of  Carondelet,  by  despatch  dated 
St.  Louis,  Mo.,  Febr.  23,  1886,  agreed  to  send  Sisters 
to  Yuma.  Accordingly  Mother  Julia,  assistant  to  Rev. 
Mother  Agatha,  early  in  March  with  a  number  of 
Sisters  arrived  at  their  convent,  Y^uma,  Arizona,  and 
•  remained  for  six  weeks  until  the  delapidated  build- 
ings were  ready  to  receive  them.  Mother  Ambrose, 
under  the  official  name  of  Mary  O'Neil,  on  May 
1st,  was  duly  installed  and  made  government  super- 
intendent, independent  of  any  reservation  agent,  and 
has  held  the  position  to  this  day.  The  other  Sisters 
were :  Sisters  Leontius,  Salesia,  Aniceta,  Alphons, 
Mary  Joseph,  and  Modesta.  Two  of  the  Sisters  were 
Mexicans. 

In  the  same  year  Fr.  Zephyrin,  having  permission, 
at  the  invitation  of  the  Rev.  Mother  Agatha,  passed 
three  months,  Sept.  26  to  Dec.  26,  at  old  Fort 
Y\ima  to  find  relief  from  general  ill  health,  the  re- 
sult   of    hardships    and  overwork  in   the  Menominee 


YUMA      BOYS. 


—  153  — 

mission.  He  was,  as  far  as  known,  the  first  Francis- 
can to  visit  tlie  scene  of  Fr.  Garces'  labors,  and  liad 
the  good  fortune  to  baptize  the  first  Yuma  adult,  a 
girl  of  17,  then  dying  in  the  Yuma  camps  below.  She 
passed  away  the  next  morning,  and  her  body  with 
all  her  belongings,  according  to  Yuma  custom,  were 
burned  a  few  hours  after.  The  parents  like  all  the 
Yumas  were  pagans.  Since  then  a  great  many  of  the 
Indians,  mostly  children,  have  been  baptized;  thus 
after  a  century  the  blood  of  the  four  martyrs  of  the 
Colorado  is   bearing   fruit. 

The  Father  meanwhile  endeavored  to  obtain  the 
story  of  the  massacre  from  the  Indians  themselves. 
They  must  have  had  some  tradition  about  the  affair. 
He  questioned  their  chief  Pasqual,  who  appeared  to 
be  over  90  years  of  age,  and  in  his  youth  must  have 
heard  the  story  from  his  elders;  but  neither  he  nor 
any  one  else  would  acknowledge  that  the  Yumas  had 
anything  to  do  with  the  matter.  One  at  last  declared 
that  he  had  heard  of  the  killing,  but  that  the  Yu- 
mas had  been  deceived  by  other  Indians.    (7) 

The  Father  also  endeavored  to  prepare  a  vocabula- 
ry of  their  language,  and  succeeded,  after  loosening 
the  tongues  of  the  unwilling  Indians  witJi  many  a 
cigarette,  in  collecting  about  500  words.  With  the 
exception  of  a  short  vocabulary,  not  entirely  correct, 
pre-pared  by  a  military  officer  and  published  in  the 
Tacific  Kailroad  Reports,  \^ol.  Ill,  pages  95-101,  there 
never  had  been  anything  printed  in  the  Yuma  lan- 
guage. As  to  the  exact  spot  where  Fr.  Garces'  mis- 
sion stood,  which  the  writer  tried  to  discover,  see  the 
appendix. 

(7)    Chief  Pasqual  was  baptized  on  the   first  of  May   1887,    and   soon  after 
died. 


—  154  — 


CHAPTER    XIV. 


The  Martyrs  Of   La  Pueisima  Concepcion— Fe.  Feancisco  Garces  And 
Fe.  Juan  Baeeaneche. 


tr.  Francisco  Garces^  the  leader  of  the  little  band 
of  missionaries  that  were  stationed  on  the  Colorado, 
was  born  at  Morata  del  Conde,  Aragon,  Spain,  on 
the  12th  of  April,  1738.  The  child  was  baptized  on 
the  next  day  when  he  received  the  names  Francisco, 
Tomas,  Hermenegildo,  names  which  foreshadowed  his 
career ;  for  he  became  a  son  of  St.  Francis  of  Asissi, 
imitated  St.  Thomas  by  preaching  the  Gospel  to  the 
Indians,  and  died  like  St.  Hermenegildo  for  the  faith 
of  Christ. 

His  parents  were  Juan  Garces  and  Antonia  Maes- 
tro. When  they  noticed  the  boy's  inclination  to  pi- 
ety, they  put  him  in  charge  of  his  uncle,  the  Rev. 
Moses  Domingo  Garces,  curate  in  his  native  town. 
At  the  age  of  fifteen  Garces  left  his  relative  to  enter 
the  Franciscan  Order  in  the  province  of  Aragon. 
After  finishing  the  study  of  philosophy  he  was  sent 
to  the  monastery  of  Calatayud  to  enter  upon  the 
study  of  theology.  It  was  customary  there  to  have 
the  clerics  go  out  into  the  country  to  pass  their  re- 
creations. At  such  occasions  Garces  would  withdraw 
from  his  companions  in  order  to  search  for  poor  la- 
borers to  whom  he  would  speak  about  the  divine 
mysteries  and  other  points  of  religion,  thus  early  giv- 
ing evidence  of  his  fitness  to  instruct  the  ignorant. 

Having  finished  his  studies  he  was  ordained  priest 
at  the  age  of  twenty-five.  Moved  to  pity  for  the  In- 
dians  in  America  he  asked  to  be  allowed  to  join  the- 


—  155  — 

college  of  Quer^taro,  whose  commissary  at  the  time 
was  collecting  recruits  in  Spain.  At  Madrid  Fr.  Gar- 
ces  met  Fr.  Juan  Chrysostomo  Gil  who  had  also 
volunteered  for  tlie  missions  in  America. 

Wlien  Garces  entered  the  famous  missionary  col- 
lege of  Santa  Cruz  de  Queretaro  he  was  28  years  of 
age.  The  young  priest  was  among  the  most  exact  in 
the  community,  and  took  especial  delight  to  be  pres- 
ent in  the  choir.  It  not  being  customary  to  let  Fa- 
thers of  his  age  hear  the  confession  of  women,  Gar- 
ces was  the  more  indefatigable  with  the  men  and 
boys.  He  took  particular  pains  to  instruct  the  boys 
well  in  Christian  Doctrine,  and  infuse  into  their  in- 
nocent souls  the  fear  of  God  in  order  to  counteract 
the  evil  example  of  their  elders. 

When  the  missions  of  Sonora  in  1767  were  trans- 
ferred from  the  Jesuits  to  the  Franciscan  Fathers, 
Garces  at  once  asked  to  be  sent  to  that  wild  country. 
After  waiting  three  months  at  Tepic,  Fr.  Garces  and 
other  missionaries  set  sail  from  San  Bias  on  January 
20,  1768.  The  voyage  had  lasted  three  months  and  a 
half  when  Guaimas  was  reached.  At  Horcasitas  the 
missions  were  distributed  among  the  missionaries, 
and  Fr.  Garces  was  assigned  to  San  Xavier  del  Bac 
in  Arizona,  the  most  northern  of  the  missions,  and 
the  one  most  exposed  to  the  raids  of  the  Apaches. 

There  he  lived  in  extreme  poverty ;  for  in  his  zeal 
he  accommodated  himself  to  the  customs  of  the  na- 
tives in  order  to  gain  their  good  will.  His  bed  was 
the  bare  floor,  and  he  had  no  other  covering  than 
his  habit.  His  food  was  that  of  the  Indians,  atole  for 
breakfast,  tortillas  for  his  bread,  seeds  of  the  coun- 
try served  as  victuals,  and  often  he  satisfied  his  hun- 
ger with  a  little  roasted  corn.  He  never  used  tobac- 
co, neither  in  the  shape  of  snuff  nor  in  that  of  ci- 
gars, but  he  always  carried  some  along  for  the  In- 
dians. What  the  government  allowed  him  for  his  dai- 
ly   sustenance    he   shared   Avith    the    Indians,    and   in 


—  150  — 

turn  would  accept  fruits  or  roots.  The  rumor  of  his 
kindness  and  liberality  soon  spread  far  and  wide,  so 
that  curiosity  brought  many  to  see  him  who  were 
then  captivated  by  his  gentle  manners  and  councils. 
All  over  Pimeria  Alta  Fr.  Garces  was  highly  es- 
teemed and  looked  upon  as  an  oracle.  Many  came 
to  visit  him,  notably  the  Papagos,  wiiose  idiom  he 
did  not  understand.  These  he  Avould  receive  with  op- 
en arms,  a  language  understood  by  all.  Many  articles 
the  college  sent  to  the  missionary  at  his  destitute 
mission  Fr.  Garces  did  not  use,  such  as  chocolate, 
sugar,  tobacco,  etc, ;  with  them  he  would  procure 
farm  implements  and  other  necessary  articles  for  his 
neophytes,  such  as  flannels,  beads,  blankets,  sack- 
cloth, etc.  In  this  way  Fr.  Garces  attracted  the  pa- 
gans to  his  mission  for  instructions.  Though  only 
thirty  years  of  age  he  was  called  "old  man"  by 
the  natives,  and  under  that  affectionate  appellation 
they  would  seek  him.  At  first  he  made  many  blun- 
ders in  learning  the  language,  and  the  Indians  would 
laugh  heartily  at  his  efforts,  but  by  degrees  he 
learnt  to  speak  the  native  idiom  as  correctly  as  any 
of  them. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  San  Xavier  the  new  mis- 
sionary was  invited  by  the  Pdpagos  to  visit  their 
country.  He  accordingly  left  his  mission,  and  without 
o-uards  or  provisions  set  out  in  August  1768  on  his 
first  missionary  tour,  preaching  the  divine  truths 
wherever  he  went.  In  the  following  year  he  entered 
the  Apache  country.  In  1770  an  epidemic  of  measles 
devastated  the  rancherias  on  the  Gila.  On  hearing  of 
this  Fr.  Garces  hastened  thither  and  baptized  many 
children  before  they  died.  This  time  he  made  a  more 
extensive  trip,  travelling  ninety  leagues.  In  1771  he 
reached  the  Colorado  where  the  Yumas  receivad  the 
now  famous  "old  man"  with  delight.  He  also  went 
down  the  river  to  its  mouth,   and  returned  after  an 


-m  - 

absence  of  nearly  three  months,  having  travelled  300 
leagues. 

Fr.  Garces  closed  the  description  of  his  lengthy 
trip  in  this  humorous  strain:  "Little  by  little,  eating 
most  delicate  pitahallas,  I  reached  Caborca,  girt 
with  my  handkerchief;  since  the  cord  was  worn 
out  I  had  to  avail  myself  of  it  as  a  cord ;  the  hand- 
kerchief, too,  was  worn  out.  When  I  started  on  the 
journey  I  was  not  well,  my  legs  were  swollen,  and  I 
tliought  to  cure  myself  in  going  out,  and  now  I  am, 
thanks  be  to  God,  neither  thin  nor  fleshy,  and  thus 
although  I  had  no  other  motive,  it  is  sufficient  that 
through  those  journeys  I  became  useful  enough  to 
live  at  San  Xavier." 

On  the  2d  of  January,  1774,  Fr.  Garces  started  out 
from  Tubac  and  accompanied  an  expedition  as  far  as 
San  Gabriel,  California,  whence  he  endeavored  to 
find  a  road  to  New  Mexico.  He  did  not  return  to 
San  Xavier  until  the  latter  part  of   May. 

In  September  1775  he  accompanied  an  expedition 
bound  for  San  Francisco  as  far  as  the  Colorado  Riv- 
er. He  then  visited  all  the  tribes  on  the  Colorado 
from  its  mouth  to  the  Mojave  country,  when  he 
turned  east  to  the  Moqui  Indians  in  northern  Arizo- 
na, returning  to  his  mission  on  September  17th  of 
the  next  year. 

•'By  order  of  the  Comandante  General  De  Croix, 
Garces  visited  the  Yumas  in  August  1779,  and  found 
the  Indians  very  much  changed  on  account  of  the 
duplicity  of  the  Spanish  officials.  Garces  warned  and 
protested,  but  his  counsels  were  not  heeded  by  the 
Spanish  authorities.  During  the  ten  months  that  the 
mission  pueblos  existed  on  the  Colorado,  Fr.  Garces, 
with  his  three  companions  in  the  missionary  field,  in 
vain  did  all  he  could  to  avert  the  disastrous  revolt 
of  the  infuriated  Indians;  and  he  remained  at  his 
post  to  the  last.  Death  and  life  seemed  to  be 
equally    acceptable    to    him,    provided    either  was    ac- 


—  158  — 

eeptabl©  to  Christ,  the  Lord.  He  only  wished  to 
serve  in  the  apostolic  ministry  if  destined  to  live,  or 
receive  eternal  rest,  if  destined  to  die  at  the  hands 
of  those  he  had  benefitted.  With  these  sentiments  he 
journeyed  about  the  country  and  fearlessly  exi^osed 
himself  to  a  violent  death,  and  to  untold  perils  from 
hunger  and  thirst,  from  going  about  without  protec- 
tion, through  waterless  deserts,  along  frightful  preci- 
pices, through  mountains,  swamps,  and  lagoons.  He 
feared  neither  wild  beasts  nor  savages,  as  he  knew 
neither  could  injure  him  until  the  Lord  so  willed.  On 
one  occasion  he  had  knelt  down  on  the  ground  all 
absorbed  with  devotion  to  recite  his  office,  when  a 
jjarty  of  Indians  surrounded  him,  with  bows  bent  to 
shoot.  A  mysterious  awe  held  them ;  but  wdien  he  at 
last  perceived  them  he  continued  his  devotion  undis- 
turbed ;  and  after  he  had  concluded  won  them  by 
his  affectionate  address." 

"He  was  received  every wliere,  except  among  the 
Moquis,  with  veneration  and  affection ;  and  tlie 
worst  annoyance  he  experienced  among  the  natives 
proceeded  from  this  very  affection  fcr  the  "old 
man;"  for  they  would  refuse  to  guide  him  in  order 
to  compel  him  to  remain  among  them.  Such  conduct 
on  the  part  of  haughty,  barbarous,  and  warlike  In- 
dians was  the  best  proof  that  truth,  humility,  and 
evangelical  poverty  are  the  most  effective  weapons 
for  subduing  savage  fierceness  and  stubbornness. 
These,  at  any  rate,  were  the  charms  Fr.  Garces  em- 
ployed to  win  the  esteem  and  submission  of  the  na- 
tives of  Arizona." 

Fr.  Garces,  Arricivita  continues,  loved  prayer  in 
the  missions  as  well  as  at  his  convent;  for  this  unit- 
ed him  to  his  Divine  Master,  and  preserved  strong 
the  faith  for  the  sake  oi  which  he  underwent  indes- 
cribable hardships. 

By  order  of  his  superiors  Fr.  Garc6s  kept  a  diary 
of    his  journeys   in   which   he   described    the    country 


—  150  — 

through  which  he  passed  and  the  Indians  that  occu- 
pied it.  He  therein  also  made  suggestions  regarding 
the  manner  in  which  missions  should  be  founded  and 
conducted  in  order  to  make  them  successful.  (1) 
Unfortunately  the  political  authorities,  as  whose 
agents  the  Fathers  later  on  were  unhappily  con- 
sidered by  the  natives  in  their  fury,  and  wiiose 
orders  had  to  be  awaited,  paid  little  attention  to  the 
advice  and  warnings  of  the  experienced  apostolic 
traveller.  The  result  was  that  even  Fr-  Garc^s,  the 
"old  man,"  as  the  natives  affectionately  called  him, 
w^as  not  spared  by  the  Indians  in  their  blind  rage  a- 
gainst  the  Spaniards,  but  was  butchered  together 
with  the  guilty  on  July  19th,  1781,  at  the  age  of  43 
years,    28  of  wdiich  he  had  passed  in  religion.   (2) 

Fr-  Juan  Antonio  Bai'raneche,  Fr.  Garc^s'  assist- 
ant, w^as  born  in  1749  at  Lacazor,  diocese  of  Pampe- 
lona,  Navarra,  Spain.  When  quite  young  his  parents 
entrusted  the  boy  to  a  nobleman  who  took  him  to 
Havana,  where  he  entered  upon  a  commercial  career. 
For  the  innocent  youth  this  was  a  perilous  position 
at  a  seaport,  where  he  was  liable  to  fall  in  with 
the  worst  class  of  sailors  and  ruffians ;  but  young  Bar- 
raneche  was  preserved  from  the  contagion  of  immor- 
ality, and  from  indifferentism  in  religious  matters. 

On  one  occasion  Juan  Antonio  gave  an  alms  to  a 
blind  man,  who  in  return  spoke  to  the  boy  so  earn- 
estly about  the  dangers  of  the  world  that  he  began 
seriously  to  ponder  on  the  truths  of  salvation.  The 
outcome  was  that  Barraneche  resolved  to  enter  the 
Seraphic    Order.    His   confessor  api^roved  of  the  plan, 

(1)  His  Diaries  were  broupht  to  tho  notice  of  the  king  of  Spain  wliose 
minister  in  tlie  name  of  his  majesty  addressing  the  viceroy  says  of  the 
intrepid  missionary  :  "Que  el  rey  Iiabia  visto  con  muclia  satisfaccion  las 
noticias  que  lo  dA  de  osto  religioso  de  sus  peregrinacioncs  dcsdo  el  Eio 
Colorado  a  la  misiou  de  San  Gabriel,  y  de  osta  al  Moqui:  quo  espera  S. 
M.  ol  Diario  que  tiene  ofrecido,  y  manda  que  en  su  real  nombre  se  le 
don  las  gracias  por  ol  zelo  y  fervor  con  quo  se  emploa  en  descubrir,  tra- 
tar  y  atraor  nacioues  tan  ignoradas."   (2)   Arricivita,  426:  510-517. 


—  160  — 

but  in  order  to  try  him,  tlie  priest  informed  Juan 
Antonio  that  he  must  first  learn  grammar.  The 
young  man  providentially  found  a  suitable  teacher 
with  whom  for  two  years  he  not  only  learned  gram- 
mar, but  progress  in  piety  as  well.  Having  j)i*oved 
his  vocation  Juan  Antonio  was  admitted  to  the 
Franciscan  Order  at  Havana  in  1768,  when  nineteen 
years  of  age. 

After  making  his  profession  Barraneche  gave  him- 
self up  to  the  practice  of  prayer  and  virtue,  and  es- 
pecially to  the  observance  of  poverty  and  rigid  mor- 
tification, even  more  so  than  he  was  permitted  to  do 
in  the  novitiate. 

His  occupation  after  finishing  Divine  Office  in  the 
choir,  were  repeated  visits  to  the  Blessed  Sacrament, 
the  care  of  the  sanctuary  lamp,  begging  alms,  and 
passing  a  large  part  of  the  night  in  fervent  prayer. 
At  the  same  time  he  pursued  the  study  of  philoso- 
phy, and  looked  upon  the  lessons  and  exercises  as 
so  many  acts  of  obedience.  He  w^as  also  zealous  in 
teaching  Christian  Doctrine  to  the  boys. 

While  Fr-  Antonio  was  preparing  for  Holy  Orders, 
Fr.  Henrique  Echasco  arrived  at  Havana,  having 
completed  his  twelve  years  in  the  missions.  The  con- 
versations Barraneche  lield  with  tlie  venerable  mis- 
sionary resulted  in  an  apijlication  for  admission  in- 
to the  missionary  college  of  Queretaro,  in  order  that 
he  might  be  able  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  In- 
dians. Fr.  Echasco  recommended  the  young  cleric  who 
was  accepted  on  June  14th,  1773.  Leaving  Havana  on 
August  12th  Barraneche  arrived  at  the  Panuco  Kiver, 
and  disembarked  at  the  Port  of  Tampico  which  was 
about  200  leagues  from  Queretaro.  Having  no  other 
baggage  than  a  breviary,  he  travelled  the  whole  dis- 
tance on  foot  and  reached  the  college  on  September 
13th.  At  his  own  request  he  was  allowed  to  be  sub- 
ject to  the  master  of  aovices,  and  perform  the  exer- 
cises of  the  novices.  Punctual  as  ever   in   the   regula- 


-  101  — 

tions  of  the  community,  ho  moreover  look  the  dipci- 
pline  every  day  and  slept  on  bare  boards.  After  J\Jat- 
ins  and  meditations  he  would  remain  in  the  choir  to 
perform  the  Station  or  other  devotions  until  the  hour 
for  Holy  Mass  at  whicli  he  served  Ihe  priest,  and 
this  he  continued  to  do  even  after  he  had  become 
priest  himself.  The  youtig  cleric  oljserved  sU  the 
fasts  after  the  manner  of  St.  Francis;  and  on  many 
days  of  the  year  he  would  use  ln*ead  and  water  on- 
ly. At  supper  he  would  be  contented  with  herbs; 
and  only  when  the  confessor  so  ordered  would  he 
use  meat.  There  were,  indeed,  few  days  in  the  year 
on  Avhich  he  did  not  fast;  on  such  days  he  would 
deprive  himself  of  the  customary  chocolate.  Barrane- 
che  wished  to  fast  on  bread  and  water  at  all  times, 
but  this  he  was  permitted  to  do  only  once  for  five 
days. 

Nevertheless  Barraneche  was  friendly,  kind,  and 
assiduous  in  helping  others,  anxious  to  be  a  burden 
or  annoyance  to  no  one.  For  this  reason  he  would 
say  Mass  after  all  other  Fathers  had  finished.  He 
was  a  great  reader  of  spiritual  books,  but  found  es- 
pecial delight  in  St.  Bonaventure's  Stimulus  Amoris- 
It  is  needless  to  state  that  he  was  zealous  for  the 
souls  of  others  as  well.  Hence  in  visiting  the  sick, 
in  helping  them  to  recite  the  divine  office,  and  in 
hearing  confessions  Barraneche  was  tireless.  After 
six  years  of  a  most  exemplary  life  at  the  missionary 
college,  the  superiors  deemed  him  worthy  to  take 
part  in  the  labors  of  an  apostolic  missionary  among 
the  pagans.  On  finding  the  young  i^riest  willing  l.e 
was  sent  to  Sonora.  The  Fr.  President  was  not 
slow  to  recognize  Barraneche's  worth,  for  he  made 
him  assistant  to  Fr.  Garces  at  the  most  difficult 
and  dangerous  post  in  the  province. 

There  must  be  harmony  amcn.c  the  missionaries, 
Arricivita  remarks,  if  they  would  do  effective  work ; 
one  must  conform  to  the  other;  little  differences  and 


—  162  — 

even  great  ones  must  he  entirelj^  set  aside  for  the 
sake  of  the  souls  for  whom  Christ  died.  The  younger 
must  defer  to  the  elder  or  superior  as  to  one  more 
experienced,  clothed  with  authority,  and  burdened 
with  responsibility.  Happily  for  both  there  existed 
the  most  affectionate  harmony  between  Fr.  Garces 
and  his  young  fellow  laborer.  Theirs  was  a  holy  al- 
liance which  made  both  equal  in  zeal  for  the  good  of 
souls,  in  apostolic  poverty,  in  extraordinary  frugality, 
in  solicitude  for  the  pagans,  in  corporal  mortifica- 
tion, in  prayer,  and  in  other  functions  of  the  minis- 
try, which  united  Ihem  in  all  the  hardships,  and  did 
not  permit  a  separation  even  in  death,  as  both  were 
lowered  into   tlie  same  grave. 

It  is  difficult  to  say  which  of  the  two  was  more 
zealous  to  spread  the  faith ;  which  was  more  solici- 
tous to  convert  the  pagans;  which  more  liberal  with 
them ;  which  more  humane,  poor,  ingenuous,  and 
apt  to  attract  them.  This  great  harmony  of  virtues 
and  sameness  of  principle  made  the  two  bodies  ap- 
pear to  be  moved  by  one  spirit,  and  in  both  it  was  a 
truly  apostolic  spirit. 

After  being  1w(.  years  at  work  instructing  the  In- 
dians, Barraneche  wrote:  "It  is  deplorable  that  be- 
fore our  very  eyes  many  innocent  souls  perish,  man- 
y  children  die  without  Baptism;  and  though  we  do 
not  neglect  to  go  through  the  whole  tribe  in  search 
of  sick  children,  we  cannot  prevent  many  from  dy- 
ing without  the  grace  of  Baptism."  This  was  one 
result  of  the  stupid  plan  of  attempting  to  found 
missions  without  gathering  the  Indians  in  one  place, 
but  letting  tliem  rove  about  the  mountains  or  la- 
goons, so  that  it  was  necessary  to  wander  over  eight 
leagues  of  country  in  order  to  find  them. 

The  ministry  of  the  Fathers  was,  therefore,  ex- 
ceedingly difficult;  but  as  they  redoubled  their  ef- 
forts, it  was  not  altogether  fruitless,  for  Barraneche 
writ.->H:  "Of  the  children  whom  pagan  parents  voluu* 


—  163  — 

tarily  brought  for  the  purpose,  there  ^verc  baptized 
more  than  two  hundred,  ninny  of  whom  died,  as  did 
also  a  numl)er  of  oki  people,  and  some  others."  Tlius 
about  oOO  in  all  received  the  grace  of  Baptism,  In 
another  letter  he  says:  "Likewise  some  old  people, 
first  instructed,  as  far  as  possible,  in  the  mysteries 
and  duties  of  our  faith,  have  been  baptized,  together 
with  a  number  of  sick  men  who  were  in  danger  of 
deatli,  some  of  whom  died.  In  as  far  as  we  baptize 
old  people  and  others  that  are  sick,  we  indeed  have 
some  doubts  regarding  their  dispositions  to  receive 
Baptism;  but  charity  obliges  us  to  favor  them  in 
Aviiat  manner  we  can." 

Fr.  Garces'  opinion  of  Fr.  Barrancche  is  contained 
in  these  few  characteristic  words:  "Fr.  Juan  is  very 
much  contented;  he  is  of  that  calil)re  which  con- 
quers many;  he  is  another  St.  Patrick."  Fr.  Juan 
Antonio  Barraneche  died  at  the  hands  of  the  In- 
diana, nevertheless,  at  the  age  of  thirty-two,  when  a 
Ivdigious  thirteen  years,  and  after  nine  years  as  a 
missionary  apostolic.   (2) 


CHAPTEPv    XV. 


The  Mautyrs  Of  San  Peded  Y  San  Pablo— Fe.  Juan  Dcaz  And  Fr.  Jose 
Matias  Moeeno. 


Fr.  Jaan  Diaz  was  born  in  May  1736,  at  Alazar 
in  tiie  archdiocese  of  Sevilla,  vSpain.  His  father  was 
Juan  Marcelo   and  his  mother   Feliciana   Basquez.   (1) 

(2)    ArricivLta,  517-r)r)l.  (1)     Tlip  name  Diaz  wns  pivon  liim  by   Hio    cod- 

fithor    Alonso    PL;i2.  Wlica  rocelvtntr    tlio    lioly    li.iblt    ho    cnlipcl  liim-olf 

Juan  Miirctlo   BiciZ]  but   smno  UU   profoiasiun  bo  wont,  by  tho  nnrno  Jumt 
liiiiB  on! VI 


—  16-i  — 

When  18  years  of  ogo  he  began  his  novitiate  in  the 
Seraphic  Order  at  the  convent  of  Hornachos  in  the 
province  of  San  Miguel  de  Estremadura.  After  finish- 
ing hig  studies  and  recaiving  Holy  Orders  he  found 
himself  at  the  ag3  of  27  years.  When  the  commissary 
of  the  colleg3  of  QuereUiro  arrived  in  Spain  ^o  obtain 
recruits  for  the  missions  in  Mexico,  Fr.  Diaz  volun- 
teered for  the  harder  life  of  a  missionary  among  the 
pagans.  He  was  accepted  and  arrived  at  tiie  college 
or  seminary  in  1763.  On  noticing  the  strictness  with 
which  the  Seraphic  Rule  was  observed  liis  soul  was 
iilled  with  much  consolation,  for  he  had  been  among 
the  most  fervent  in  the  mother  province.  As  he  was 
much  given  to  i)rayer,  and  very  zealous  in  hearing 
confessions  and  in  preaching,  he  was  chosen  by  his 
superiors  to  do  missionary  work  in  Sonora  when  that 
district  was  taken  from  the  devoted  Jesuits  by  the 
Masonic  government  of  Spain  and  Mexico.  With  the 
other  Fathers  Fr.  Junn  Diaz  i)roceeded  to  Tepic, 
and  thence  by  way  of  San  Bias  and  Guaimas 
reached  San  Miguel  de  Horcasitas  in  May,  where  the 
Fr.  President  assigned  him  to  the  mission  of  Purissi- 
ma  Ooncepcion  de  Caborca.  From  tliis  phice  he  at- 
tended the  visita  of  Pitic,  two  leagues  east,  and  the 
visita  of  Bisanig,  six  leagues  west. 

The  Indians.  a))out  1,115  altogether,  Avere  of  the 
tribe  of  the  Pimas.  The  work  was  too  immense  for 
one  man,  considering  the  people  Fr.  Diaz  had  to  deal 
with,  and  the  territory  over  which  they  were  scat- 
tered. Employing  firmness,  fearlessness,  and  sweet- 
ness, as  the  occasions  required,  Fr.  Juan  nevertheless 
succeeded  in  bringing  these  slaves  of  evil  passions 
to  assist  at  tlie  instructions,  to  work  for  their  living, 
to  build  houses,  and  fortify  tlieir  ranclierias  against 
enemies.  Wlien  tlie  Fr.  President  after  six  years 
visited  tlie  mission,  he  was  astouielied  at  the  pro- 
gress  made  in  spiritual  as  well  as  temporal  affairs. 

Fr.  Diaz  was,  therefore,  selected  to  accompany  Fr. 


—  165  — 

Garces  on  the  expedition  which  Captain  Anza  had 
been  ordered  to  lead  to  Monterey.  He  went  as  far  as 
c^.m  Diejijo,  and  then  returned  to  tlie  Colorado  witli 
Don  Anza.  When  the  college  at  one  time  ordered 
the  Fr.  President  to  hold  a  regular  visitation  of  all 
tiie  missions,  Fr.  Juan  Diaz  was  subdelegated  hy  tiie 
Fr.  Pi-e;-;i(lont  to  visit  the  eiglit  missions  of  Finieria 
Baja,   which   he  did  in  dune  1775. 

On  account  of  his  zeal,  activity,  nnd  aptitude  Fr. 
Diaz  was  himself  appointed  president  or  superior  of 
the  missions  by  the  college.  Fr.  Arricivita  does  not 
state  the  time  v»hen  Diaz  held  that  office;  but  he 
must  have  been  elected  before  the  year  1778.  (2) 
When  Do  Croi.K  ordered  the  Fathers  to  hasten  to  the 
Colorado  to  quiet  the  Indiana,  the  Fr.  President  (3) 
called  the  missionaries  together  for  a  conference,  as 
he  was  not  willing  to  expose  any  of  them  to  certain 
danger  of  death,  nnless  he  volunteered.  Among  those 
that  offered  to  go  was  Fr.  Diaz  himself.  It  was  then 
decided  that  he  and  Fr.  Garc6s  proceed  to  the  Yu- 
mas  together.  They  accordingly  started  out  on  Au- 
gust 1st.  After  an  attempt  to  proceed,  Fr.  Diaz  had 
to  stay  behind  at  Sonoitac  with  the  soldiers  and  cat- 
tle, because  of  the  scarcity  of  water,  whilst  Fr.  Gar- 
c6s  continued  onward  with  two  soldiers.  During  the 
month  of  October,  however,  he  joined  his  companion, 
though  the  governor  had  asked  the  Fathers  to  aban- 
don the  plan  of  founding  missions  on  account  of  the 
peril  involved. 

On  arriving  at  the  Colorado  he  saw  the  disappoint- 
ed crowds  of  Indians  wiio  had  ex])ected  to  receive  an 
abundance    of    tobacco,    clotii,    etc!,    which    had    been 


(2)  "Vleudo  el  R.  Padre  fruartliaii  y  V.  Discretorio  cl  zelo,  actividad  y  aci* 
orto  con  quo  el  p  idra"  (T''r.  Jvian  Diaz)  "habia  desMnpeuado,  no  solo  Ifia 
tiro  IS  del  ininist5rio,  sino  tam'oien  las  qu?  se  lo  liabian  piicartrado  para 
el  proprroso  dol    la.stituto,"  (i.  p.  QiKM-^taro   ('(lUepo)  "'e  liombraron  presi' 

dputo  <le    uqiiellas   missioui;." "Y   no   les    salio   fallido    csto    couceptU, 

porquo  do«ra;j'fii  con  relLcriosldad  el  ofico." 
('4j    Mo.,t  likely  tliis  Fr.  President  was  Fr.  Diaz  hiniselfi 


promised  them  by  De  Croix ;  lie  tliereforc  ^vent  back 
to  Arizpe  to  see  the  Comandaiite  General  in  person; 
but  De  Croix  was  not  moved  from  his  imprudent 
course  by  anything  the  missionary  said.  Two  Spanish 
pueblos,  instead  of  real  missions,  were  to  be  estab- 
lished on  the  Colorado,  and  the  pagan  Indians  might 
join  these  if  they  wished,  otherwise  the  zealous  mis- 
sionaries were  to  find  and  instruct  them  wherever 
possible.  The  foolish  project  was  carried  out  despite 
the  protasts  of  tho  Fathers.  Fr.  Diaz  then,  after  soli- 
citing some  alms,  returned  to  the  Yumas,  and  took 
charge  of  the  second  pueblo,  three  leagues  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Gila  at  which  Fr.  Garcds  was  sta- 
tioned. The  Fathers  endeavored  to  make  the  most  of 
these  unfavorable  circumstances;  they  spoke  to  the 
disgusted  Indians  of  God  and  the  welfare  of  their 
souls;  but,  says  Arricivita,  it  was  like  singing  a  mel- 
ody to  a  l)loodthirsty  tiger.  Seeing  that  tlie  places 
were  doomed  to  destrnc'tio:i,  the  Fat!u'r.>  turned  their 
attention  to  the  Spaniards,  and  succeeded  in  getting 
them  to  frequent  the  Sacraments  in  order  to  be  pre- 
pared for  the  coming  storm  which  ])urst  upon  the 
settlement  of  San  Pedro  y  San  Fablo  on  the  17th  of 
July  1781.  The  Fathers  were  among  the  first  to  fall 
under  the  deadly  clubs  of  the  savages.  Fr.  Diaz  was 
forty-five  years  of  age  at  the  time;  of  those  ho  had 
passed  twenty-seven  in  religion,  seventeen  in  the  sa- 
cred ministry,  and  thirteen   among   the  Indians.  (4) 

Ft\  Jose  Matlas  Moreno^  a  native  of  Aluiarza,  di* 
OC08G  of  Osma,  Spain,  was  baptised  on  May  21th, 
1744.  His  parents?  were  Mallas  Moreno  and  Maria  Ca* 
tnlina  Gil.  lie  was?  happy  in  having  a  pious  and  sen- 
sible sister,  who  by  her  example  animated  him  to 
the  love  of  every  virtue.  At  the  age  of  seventeen  lid 
took  the  holy  habit  in  the  convent  of  St.  Francis  at 
Logrono,  province  of  Burgos,  on   June  22d,  1704.  Aft* 

(4)    Arrifivita,  5',i0--5o5. 


^  l(jf  — 

er  Ills  profession  Moreno  made  the  usual  studies  and 
was  ordained  priest. 

Wlion  a  petition  arrived  from  the  commissary  ask- 
ing for  recruits  to  go  to  America  in  order  to  hibor 
in  the  missions  of  the  Queretaro  college,  Moreno 
volunteered  and  was  accepted.  Before  leaving  Madrid 
for  the  western  hemisphere,  he  wrote  the  following 
beautiful  letter  to  his  sister  which  gives  a  good  idea 
of  his  innocent  soul,  and  of  the  spirit  that  pervaded 
the  famous  seraphic  seminary  of  Santa  Cruz,  Que- 
retaro. 

"Dear  Sisteu  : — If  you  have  ever  co-operated  in 
my  holy  desires  as  you  did  in  my  resolution  to  take 
the  habit,  for  which  1  tliall  over  be  grateful  to  you 
as  doubly  my  sister,  1  can  never  esteem  you  more 
than  now,  when  by  the  letter  you  write,  I  see  you 
instructing  mi^  by  your  advice,  and  encouraging  me 
by  your  joy.  1  never  indeed  expected  less  from 
your  prudence,  virtue,  and  love  for  me;  nor  should  I 
comply  with  niy  duty  to  you,  did  I  not  tell  you  a- 
bout  the  purpo-ie,  the  college,  and  the  motives  of  my 
vocation,  and  so  I  declare  to  vou  that  1  banish  my- 
self  from  our  country,  leave  my  parents,  sever  my- 
self from  my  kindred  and  friends,  solely  for  zeal  for 
the  faith,  the  co)jversion  of  souls,  and  a  longing  for 
martyrdom.  1  have  very  long  battled  with  these  de- 
sires; placing  before  me  self-love  and  my  own  ease, 
the  esteem  I  might  enjoy  in  our  own  province,  the 
posts  of  rector  and  other  honoral)!©  ones  Avhich  I 
might  expect,  tho  good  I  might  do  by  preaching  and 
example,  health  by  no  means  robust,  tlin  grief  of  my 
parents,  the  liardships  of  so  long  a  voyage,  nnd  tho 
perils  of  tlie  inconstaut  sea  were  all  before  mo.  They 
Were  motives  whicli  long  prevented  my  writing  to 
you;  but  finding  no  rest  and  unable  to  repel  my  de-- 
sires  for  extending  the  faith,  and  for  martyrdom,  and 
finding  Ihem  all  to  be  the  sophistry  of  self-love,  I 
resolved    tu   solicit   admission,    and  such    was    my   joy 


^  168  ^ 

bn  receiving  my  patent,  that  for  the  first  time  in  a 
month  I  slept  quietly  ;  and  such  was  my  delight  that 
many  told  mo  I  must  have  received  good  news. 
Could  it  be  auglit  else  v.dien  I  go  to  a  college  (5) 
where  the  observance  of  our  seraphic  rule  and  regu- 
lar discipline  are  supremely  strict  and  easy,  and  the 
opportunities  of  i)lanting  (he  faith  of  Christ  and  suf- 
fering martyrdom  continues.  In  that  college,  sister, 
we  are  all  equal.  The  Father  Guardian  goes  to  all 
the  hours  of  choir  and  other  community  exercises 
like  the  humblest,  even  to  the  Matins  which  are  in- 
dispensably at  midnight.  The  community  meditation 
lasts  two  hours,  one  at  complin  and  one  nt  Matins. 
The  seclusion  is  as  great  as  in  the  strictest  convent, 
because  no  one  can  speak'  or  enter  another's  cell  ex- 
cept on  the  accustomed  da>',  and  then  in  determined 
places.  The  seclusion  from  seculars  is  great,  as  they 
never  enter  the  convent,  and  we  never  leave  except 
to  go  and  hear  confessions,  and  then  only  those  de- 
puted l)y  the  superior.  To  all  is  given  what  is  neces- 
sary, without  any  distinction  between  the  Guardian 
and  the  humblest.  In  line  the  observance  of  the  j'ule 
is  most  easy;  its  trangressions  difficult;  its  labor  easy 
to  be  borne,  the  Guardian  being  the  first  in  them. 
The  opportunities  for  spreading  the  faith  of  Christ 
and  sulfering  martyrdom,  so  longed  for  by  our  Fa- 
thers St.  Francis,  St.  Anthony,  and  other  Saints  of 
the  Order,  you  may  consider  must  be  frequent  in  the 
twenty-eight  missions  of  the  college,  amid  the  remote 
and  savage  regions  of  Texas  and  Sonora,  where  man- 
y  have  died  witii  the  palm  of  martyrs,  and  the  con- 
versions are  great.  It  is  true  that  there  is;  much 
hardship,  hunger  and  tliirst,  intolerable  heat  and 
painful  journeys,  1)ur  ^^  hat  is  this  in  comparison 
with  what  the  souls  cost  Christ?  Fnless   some    are   a- 


(5)  The  coUepre  of  Sinta  Cruz,  Quot-^tirn,  was  not  a  coIIpro  as  we  undor- 
stamJ  thfi  term,  but  a  soiiiiiiary  for  the  cducaticu  of  missiouarics  ^^llO 
>vero   io  Uihi.x  piii.cipnlly  ;init.g  iLe  InciaLEi 


D 
M 

<o 

C 

> 

o 


^  ICO  — 

roused  to  the  spiritual  conquest  of  these  souls,  they 
will  constantly  fall  into  the  nets  of  Satan.  So  I  com- 
mend myself  to  Cod,  to  give  me  strength  to  hear 
them  and  all  the  hardships  of  embarkation,  and  to 
grant  a  safe  voyage  besides  the  health  and  grace  ne- 
cessary for  so  holy  an  enterprise." 

With  the  other  volunteers  M(treno  left  the  port  of 
Santa  Maria,  about  March  1709,  and  after  a  voyage 
extending  to  November  reached  Queretaro.  At  the 
college  he  was  among  the  most  exact  observers  of 
the  Rule.  At  his  own  request  he  was  sent  to  Sonora 
as  supernumerary.  The  Fr.  President  soon  discovered 
jiis  valuable  qualities  and  employed  him  around  his 
own  mission,  where  the  young  Fatlier  exercised  him- 
self in  teaching  the  catechism  and  in  learning  the 
Indian  language,  until  the  pueblo  of  San  Pedro  y 
San  Pablo  was  established  on  the  Colorado,  when 
Moreno  was  made  assistant  to  Fr.  Juan  Diaz.  Thero 
his  desire  for  martyrdom  was  satisfied  on  July  fTHi, 
17S1.  His  body  with  that  of  Fr.  Diaz  lay  unburied 
for  live  months.  Wiien  discovered  the  head  was  mis- 
sing, but  the  remains  were  recognized  by  the  survi- 
vors from  his  patched  habit,  his  cord,  and  the  cruci- 
fix which  Moreno  always  wore  on  his  breast.  Both 
bodies  were  placed  in  one  coffin  and  transferred  to 
Tubutama  for  burial,  whence  in  ITOi  they  were  re- 
moved to  the  mother  college  at  Quer6taro.    (G) 

(0)    Arricivita  536-510. 


170  ^ 


CHAPTER    XVI. 


tbi>.Di\G  Of  The  CrsxoDiA  De  San  Cai;lor— Mag\-an:mity  Of  The  De 
finitgRs— Death  Of  The  First  Custos— Hjs  Successoe— The  Statl'TEp- 
Fetition  Of  The  Fathees— The  College  Of  QvEEETAEo-DissoLrTioN 
Of  The  Custody— Indian  Priests— Franciscan  Bisnors  In  Konoea. 

Wliilo  llio  events  related  in  the  last  chapters  oc- 
fiirred,  llio  Fathers  at  the  missions  in  other  parts  of 
rinicrii  i\l(a  as  /.ealouely  as  ever  devoted  themselves 
io  llie  Nvork  of  iniprovinfi  their  wards  in  botli  ppirit- 
iial  and  teni[)()ral  nuitlerM.  The  lielijiious  wove  with- 
out (:\\('epti()U  men  of  solid  virtue  and  learnin^^'; 
each  one  a  credit  to  the  mother  college  that  sent 
them  fortli.  Of  not  on(>  could  it  he  Iruly  Paid,  Ar- 
ricivita  proudly  declares,  that  ho  had  brought  the 
least  shame  upon  the  sacred  ministry.  This  happy 
state  of  alFairs  was  largely  due  to  the  cam)nical  vis- 
itations which  were  held  regularly,  and  which  pre- 
served the  religior.s  spirit  in  the  missionaries.  Six 
iievv-  Fathers  arrived  before  the  year  1779  to  take 
the   place  of   deceased   or  infirm    missionaries. 

Nothing-  of  importance  is  on  record  down  to  the 
year  1770,  when  on  May  7th  Pope  Pius  VI.  erected 
the  dioceeo  of  Sonora  wliich  was  to  ombrnco  Sinnloa 
ond  Sonori  with  Upper  and  Lower  Oalifornia.  The 
FranclKcan  Father  Antonio  de  loa  Keyes,  formerly 
himself  a  member  of  the  Querctaro  college  and  a 
iiiiiriionary  in  Sonora,  whose  report  of  the  missions 
is  given  in  ('hai)ter  YF,  was  appointed  lirst  Bishop 
of  tlie  new  diocese  on  December  12th,  1780.  He  was 
vonsccratul  at  Tucul)aya,  Mexico,  on  the  loth  of 
September,    17b2.    The    uvw  Bishop    reached    his   flock 


m  the   next  year,  and  chcse  Arizpe,  Sonora,   as  liis 
place  of  residence. 

The  Bishop's  arrival  was  awaited  l)y  the  missiona- 
ries with  no  little  concern,  for  he  had  been  autho- 
rized by  Kinp,-  Charles  III.  to  form  the  Franciscan 
missions  of  his  diocese  into  two  independent  custo- 
dies, an  arrangement  tlie  Fathers  did  not  desire. 
Concerning  the  custody  to  l)e  formed  in  Sonora  uu- 
der  tlie  patronage  of  St.  Charles,  tlie  Fr.  Guardian 
of  the  college  at  Queretaro  received  a  decree  di 
rectly  from  King  Carlos  III.  dated  Aranjuez,  Spain, 
May  20th,  1782,  together  witii  a  copy  of  the  statutes 
of  the  new  custody  prepared  by  Fr.  Manuel  do  la 
Vega,  Franciscan  Commissary  General  for  the  In 
dies. 

The  Guardion  was  thereby  informed  of  tlie  dcci?- 
iou  of  the  king,  and  commanded  not  to  put  any  ob- 
stacles in  the  way,  but  to  see  that  the  missionaries 
from  his  college  observed  the  royal  mandate  whicli 
it  was  claimed  would  redound  to  the  service  of  God 
and  the  king.  In  reply  the  Fr.  Guardian  with  liis 
definitors  declared  that  they  wouhl  comply  with  the 
king's  wishes,  and  that  the  missiojiaries  of  tlieir 
college  would  likewise  obey  and  observe  the  sta- 
tutes  as   arranged  by  the  Commissary  General. 

This  royal  order  was  a  sword  with  two  edges, 
says  Arricivita.  One  cut  off  from  the  seminary  all 
its  missions  which  were  the  principal  reason  for 
which  the  college  existed,  since  it  was  a  eeminary 
for  the  education  of  apostolic  priests  who,  according 
to  the  intention  of  its  venerable  founders,  were  to 
labor  for  the  propagation  of  the  faith  nmonp;  the 
gentiles. 

The  otlier  edge  cut  olT  the  missions  and  its  mis-- 
sionaries  from  their  l)ase  of  -upplies  in  a  material 
as  well  as  in  a  spiritual  sense.  Thus  all  that  had 
been  achieved  at  the  cost  of  untold  hardships  and 
Rulferings,    in    order    to    put    the    missions   on  a    solid 


—  172  — 

basis,  "was  (l(!ome(I  to  destruction.  For  naturally  the 
province  could  not  raise  a  sufficient  number  of  novi- 
ces to  replace  the  Fathers  that  died  at  their  post,  or 
became  incapacitated  through  age  or  infirmit}'. 

Hence  the  Guardian  and  his  consultors  thought 
themselves  obliged  to  huml)]y  state  tb.ese  and  oilier 
facts  to  the  viceroy.  Their  statement  was  communi- 
cated to  the  representative  of  the  new  Bishop,  who 
had  not  as  yet  arrived,  and  togetlier  with  his  reply 
forwarded  to  the  king  of  Spain.  Despite  the  weighty 
reasons  ofi'ered  by  the  college,  the  royal  decree  was 
ordered  to  be  executed  and  the  custody  erected.  This 
was  probably  the  only  instance  of  its  kind  in  the 
history  of  the  iSeraphic  Order:  a  king  decreeing  the 
organization  of  a  religious  province  against  the  wilh 
and  better  judgement  of  those  concerned! 

As  soon  as  the  new  Bishop  reached  Sonora,  he  sent 
a  circular  letter  to  all  the  missions,  informing  the 
niissionaries  of  his  powers  and  faculties.  At  the  same 
time  he  called  the  Queretaranos  ai;d  Xaliscans  to 
ni3ct  in  his  apartuients  at  Mission  de  Ures.  In  (/be- 
dience  to  this  order,  fifteen  Fathers,  including  their 
respective  presidents  or  superiors,  assembled  on  the 
23d  of  October,  1783.  The  Bisliop's  secretary  then 
read  the  decree  of  the  king,  in  which  his  lordship 
was  delegated  to  found  the  Custodia  de  San  Cdrlos, 
together  witli  a  letter  of  the  Most  llev.  Fr.  Commis- 
sary General  for  the  Indies,  which  remarkably  e- 
nougli  authorized  the  Bishop  to  appoint  the  first  cus- 
tos  and  four  definitors. 

Thereupon  the  Bishop  questioned  the  president  of 
the  Quer6taro  Fathers:  ''What  have  you  to  say?'' 
The  Father  replied,  "I  obey  the  orders  of  his  majes- 
ty and  f)f  our  Most  Rev.  Commissary  General  for  the 
Indies,  and  acknowledge  your  Lordsliip  as  true  de- 
legate." The  Fr.  President  of  the  Xaliscan  Francis- 
cans answered  in  similar  terms.  The  other  Fathers 
did  l:l:ewisc;  no  one  made  any  objections.  They   had 


— —  1  ( 0  — 

presented  their  opinions  nnd  objections  to  the  proper 
autliority  before;  tl:eir  olgections  had  been  strangely 
enough  overrnled  ;  there  was  nothing  left  for  tiieni  to 
do  but  to  l)o\v  lo  llie  inevitable,  no  nialter  how  r.n- 
reasonable  the  -whole  transaction  might  appear  to 
their  experienced  minds.  Ahnighly  God  must  see  to 
the  consequences.  They  were  men  of  strong  faith, 
those  missionaries  in  botli  l-'imeiias,  therefore  obe- 
dience to  strange  regulations,  in  Avhich  they  had  had 
no  voice,  was  not  so  difficult  after  all. 

The  Bishop  immediately  exercised  his  extraordi- 
nary powers  by  appointing  as  first  custos  of  the  new 
Custody  of  San  Carlos  in  Sonora  the  liev.  Fr.  Sebas- 
tian Flores,  one  of  the  fourteen  missionaries  his 
lordship  had  brought  over  from  Spain.  Fr.  Sebas- 
tian had  been  twice  Guardian  of  the  college,  but  he 
was  a  new  man  and  unacquainted  with  the  state  of 
these  missions. 

The  four  Fathers  named  l)y  the  Bishop  as  defmi- 
tors  were  Fathers  Roque  Monares,  Francisco  Jurado, 
Francisco  Barbastro,  till  then  presideni  of  the  Pime- 
ria  Alta  missions,  and  Antonio  Ahumada,  up  to  that 
date  president  of  the  Pimeria  Baja  or  Xaliscan  mis- 
sions. 

On  the  following  day  the  new  custos  and  tlie  defi- 
nitors  assembled  in  the  apartments  of  the  Bishop, 
and  at  his  direction  elevated  nine  of  the  missions  to 
the  rank  of  a  hospice  or  convent.  The  hopice  of  Bo- 
namichi  was  chosen  as  the  principal  house.  The 
boundaries  of  each  hospice  was  described,  and  the 
friars  or  pastors  were  then  appointed  for  all  the  mis- 
sions and  hospices  of  the  custody. 

The  new  custody  at  its  foundation  was  composed 
of  nine  hospices  or  convents,  sixteen  missions,  and 
twenty-five  pueblos  de  visita  or  mission  stations.  The 
missions  and  hospices  were  in  charge  of  thirty-four 
Fathers,  eight  of  whom  were  from  the  Queretaro 
College,     twelve     from     the     Xalisco    Province,     and 


-  174  — 

fourteen  ■were  new-comers  who  had  arrived  from 
Spain  witli  the  Bishoi:.  Twenty  other  Fathers  de- 
clined to  be  incorporated  into  the  new  custody,  be- 
cause tliey  did  not  wish  to  sever  tlieir  connection 
with  the  college  or  province. 

From  the  beginning  serious  diificulties  confronted 
tlie  Fathers  which  the  new  custos  and  his  counsel- 
lors placed  l)efore  the  Bishop  at  tlie  same  chapter. 
Thus  they  declared  impossible  the  observance  of  the 
following  point  in  the  statutes  of  the  new   custody: 

"The  four  delini'ors  sliould  likewise  be  the  dis- 
cretes of  the  principal  house;  they  should  have  a  vo- 
tifiii,  cGiisuUivum  and  decishum  in  all  important  af- 
fairs of  the  custody;  and  all  that  may  be  determined, 
upon  witliout  the  knowledge  or  consent  of  the  ma- 
jority of  the  delinitors  shall  be  null  and  void."  It 
was  impossible,  the  Fathers  declared,  for  all  the  defi- 
nitors  to  reside  at  the  hospice  of  Bonamichi  which 
could  barely  maintain  one  missionary  notwithstand- 
ing the  alms  of  the  sinodo.  Besides  it  was  absolutely 
necessary  for  two  of  the  delinitors,  Fathers  Ahuma- 
da  and  Barl^astro,  to  return  to  their  respective  mis- 
sions, l)C('a\s>  there  were  none  to  take  their  placer. 
Hence  the  statute  which  required  the  delinitors  to 
reside  at  Bonamichi,  or  at  least  near  it,  would  have 
to  be  altered. 

With  all  his  powers  the  Rt.  Eev.  Delegate  found  it 
no  easy  matt"er  to  put  his  ideas  into  practise;  for  at 
t!ie  very  founding  of  the  custody  his  lordship  dis- 
covered that  the  most  essential  statutes  which  he 
had  devised  for  the  government  of  the  custody  must 
be    set  aside. 

This  is  the  more  remarkable  as  the  Bishop  only  a 
decade  before  had  himself  been  a  missionary  in  that 
very  jnoviuce,  and  therefore  should  have  been  ac- 
quainted with  its  needs.  He  now  yielded  to  a  com- 
promise proposed  by  the  defmltors.  In  their  unsel- 
fishness   oncl    magnanimity    they    jn'oposed    to    wave 


—  175  — 

their  rights  of  being  consulted,  in  order  to  leave 
the  custos  unlinmpcred,  and  to  allow  him  to  direct 
and  govern  as  he  sav/  fit.  Tlie  Bishop  agreed  to  this 
arrangement,  and  tluis  Fathers  Ahumada  and  Bar- 
bastro  were  free  to  return  to  tlieir  respective  mis- 
sions eighty  leagues  distant. 

The  Custody  of  San  Carlos  had  been  founded,  and 
enjoyed  a  nominal  existence  for  two  months,  Avhen 
the  first  custos,  Fr.  Sebastian  Flores,  died  on  Janu- 
ary 6th,  1784,  while  at  Mission  de  Ures.  By  virtue 
of  the  statute  providing  for  such  an  emergency,  the 
definitors  assemlded  for  the  election  of  a  vice-custos 
to  fill  the  unexpired  term  of  the  deceased  super- 
ior. Fr.  Francisco  Barbastro,  having  received  the 
votes  of  all  the  defir.itors,  was  declared  vice-custos 
or  superior  of  the  province  of  San  C^arlos.  The  newly 
elected  custos  had  been  president  of  tliose  missions 
before.  He  had  been  a  missionary  himself,  and  there- 
fore possessed  tlie  experience  necessary  to  govern  the 
religious  and  their  missions  in  the  lamentable  condi- 
tions under  which  the  province  sull'ered. 

Fr.  Barl)astro  soon  discovered  that  the  custos  couhl 
estal>lish  nothing,  nor  his  sul)iects  observe  anv  of  tlie 
new  regulations  forced  u])on  them.  He  therefore  ex- 
plained the  matter  to  the  deiinifors  who  agreed  with 
him  that  the  statutes  were  well  enough  in  a  civilized 
and  Christianized  community,  but  altogether  out  of 
place  in  their  missions.  They  also  agreed  tliat  it 
would  be  impossible  to  continue  the  custody  on  ac- 
count of  the  extreme  poverty  of  the  country.  TIk^  ar- 
rangement had  been  given  a  trial  for  five  years,  and 
therefore  they  proposed  that  steps  be  taken  to  have 
the  custody  dissolved,  in  order  that  the  missions 
could  be  again  taken  care  of  as  before  by  the  Que- 
retaro  College  and  the  Province  of   Xalisco. 

The  custos,  thereupon,  informed  tlie  Most  Rev. 
Oommisary  (general  for  the  Indies,  Fr,  Manuel  Maria 
Triixillo,  of  their  unanimons  opinion,  and  petitioned 


—  176  — 

for  the  dissolution  of  the  custody.  The  Commissary 
General  in  turn  referred  Ihe  matter  to  the  supreme 
council  of  the  Indies,  which  upon  examination  sus- 
pended all  elections  prescribed  by  the  statutes  of  the 
custody,  and  for  the  present  directed  Fr.  Barbastro 
to  govern  as  he  might  find  possil)le. 

Since  the  statutes  had  been  found  impossible  of 
observance,  tilings  in  the  missions  had  remained 
pretty  much  tlie  same  as  before.  The  naming  of  the 
custos,  definitora,  and  vicars  luid  produced  little  or 
no  change  in  the  government  of  the  religious,  be- 
cause all  had  remained  under  their  former  superior. 
No  changes  had  been  made  in  tlie  temporal  and 
spiritual  affairs  of  the  Indians  at  the  respective 
missions,  as  the  new  statutes  made  no  mention  of 
them ;  nor  were  any  changes  effected  among  the 
missionaries,  for  one  of  the  statutes  directed  "that 
no  one  should  leave  his  mission  until  the  definito- 
7'ium  had  appointed  another  for  the  place."  Each 
I'ather  had  remained  at  his  post  and  conducted  the 
affairs  of   th.e  mission  as  before. 

A  vital  change  took  place  in  another  direction, 
hoVi'ever,  Tlie  missions  had  formerly  been  supplied  by 
the  college  or  province  with  missionaries,  and  it  also 
had  maintained  them.  This  was  stopped.  The  custody 
had  to  depend  upon  its  own  resources  which  were 
insufficient.  There  could  be  no  recruits  expected 
from  the  ])eople,  who  were  either  uncivilized  or  only 
have  civilized,  and  it  was  too  costly  to  import  them 
from  Spain;  thus  th.e  new  custody  was  doomed  from 
the  beginning.  For  charity's  salve  the  mother  college, 
when  informed  of  the  death  or  infirmity  of  a  Relig- 
ious, would  indeed,  help  out  the  mission  by  sending 
another  Father,  lest  the  neophytes  scatter  and  the 
mission  be  wrecked.  In  this  way,  says  Fr.  Arricivi- 
ta,  even  the  Indians  on  the  Gila  were  not  neglect- 
ed, but  visited  and  cared  for  as  well  as  possible. 
However,  the  college    could   not   be  expected  to   pro- 


--  m  - 

vide     missionaries     forever.     Naturally     the     Fathers 
-were  much  disturbed  because  of    their  he][)lessiiess. 

During    this    whole  period    tlie    college    observed    a 
discreet  silence  regarding  the  dilliculties  under  Avhich 
her    sons  suH'ered    since    the    new    arrangement    went 
into  elfect;    nevertheless  the  petitions   of  the  Fathers 
in    Sonora    were    brought    to    the    knowledge   of   the 
same    king  who  had  ordered  the  custody  to  be  organ- 
ized. Referring  to  such    a    petition    of    Fr.   Barbastro, 
his  majesty  under  date  of  July   16th,  1790,  addressed 
a  letter   to  tlie  Guardian  and  discretes  of  the  Quer6- 
taro  College,  requesting  them  to  investigate  the  mat- 
ter,   and   to   take  such   steps   as   they    might   consider 
to    be    in  keeping   with   the  royal  intent.    After    ex- 
amining the  circumstances    carefully,  the    college  au- 
thorities  reported  in    accordance    with  the  wishes    of 
the   custos,    Fr.    Barbastro,    and   advised    the    dissolu- 
tion  of   the    custody    in   order   to    save    the    missions 
from    destruction.    The    reasons   given   were :  the  pov- 
erty   of    the    country;    the   hostility    of   the   Indians; 
the    founding  of  many  convents   which  could  be  only 
poor   missions    with  one   Father;    the   want   of  sul)sis- 
tence  for  the  religious;  the  impossibility  of  obtaining 
novices   as   recruits  in  the  missions  so  that  the  custo- 
dy  must  eventually    die  out;  the    costliness  of  bring- 
ing  missionaries  from   Spain.  Finally   the   college  de- 
clared  that   in   planning   a   custody,    and   in   bringing 
the    project   before   the    king   and    before    Rome,    the 
new    Bishop   had    not   represented    nor   expressed   the 
wishes  of  the  college  or  missionaries,  but    merely  his 
own  ideas  which  had  been  found  impracticable. 

Accordingly,  on  the  17th  of  August,  1791,  the  king 
declared  the  custody  dissolved  and  the  old  order 
of  things  restored.  In  California,  owing  to  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  Fathers  and  the  great  distance  from 
the  Bishop,  the  custody  never  took  shape.  Bishop 
Antonio  de  los  Reyes  did  not  live  to  see  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  custody,  for  he  died  on  March  6th,  1778, 


—  178  -^ 

Aiiotlier  Franciscan,  Fr.  Jose  Joacinin  Granados; 
Succeeded  him,  and  j2;overned  the  diocese  of  Sonora 
from  1787  to  1701,  when  he  was  transferred  to  Du- 
rango;  but  lie  died  before  taking  possession  of  the 
hew  episcopal  see.  The  most  noted  occurre;ice  of  his 
administration  was  the  ordaining  of  two  natives  as 
priests  at  Ahimos,  an  event  celebrated  l)y  the  native 
l)opulation  with  dancing  and  other  festivities  as  a 
notable  step  in  the  annals  of  the  race.  The  next 
]>ishop,  alst)  a  Franciscan,  was  Fr.  Damian  Martinez 
de  Galinzoga,  wlio  ruled  from  1791  to  3795,  when  he 
was  transferred  to  Tarragona,  Spain.  (1)  Tlie  fourth 
Bishop  was  a  Franciscan  from  tlie  Zacatecas  college, 
Fr.  Francisco  de  Jesus  liouset,  who  governed  the 
bishopric  from  1700    to  1814,  when  he  died.   (2) 


(II    Airicivitii,  SG^-STri;  nuiicroft,  Hist.  Texas  and  XorUi  Moxlcaii    States   I, 
7r2-7i:^:  719-720;  "Franciscans  iti  California,"  88;  106. 

(2)  ITo  was  const^cratod  at  Zacatecas  by  the  Bisliop  of  Guadalajara  on 
Ausrust  5th,  1796.  (FJancroft  lias  1799.)  Bibhojj  Rouset  was  a  native  of  Ha- 
vana. Ho  was  professed  at  Zacatecas  on  May  3,  1775.  and  became  one  of 
the  most  zealous  missionaries  in  Tarahumara.  Fuo  "Obispo  ejemplarisi. 
mo,  y  muy  celoso  de  los  derechos  de  la  Iplesia,  por  cuya  defensa  padecio 
luuclio."  He  died  ou  December  "29,  1S14.    Sotamayor,  475-176, 


^MM 


FR.   KILIAN   SCHLCESSER,   O.   F.  M. 


CHAPEL  AT   TEMPE. 


m 


PPRJP  SE(BOJID. 


LOCAL  HISTORY. 


CHAPTEK    I. 


Arricivita's  "CnoxicA  SKUAPrcA"— Mia.iTONs  Axd  VifiTAs— Mrsaiosr  De 
Caboeca~Fk.  A^^).  Calzada— Fu.  Pedho  Font— Fn.  Ibanez— Mission  Dk 
ATI— Fr.  Felix  Uamakka— Mission  De  Tubutama— Fr.  Guillen— Mis- 
,  BiON  De  Saric— mission  De  Cabciuca— Fr.  Carrasco— Mission  De  Su- 
AMCA— Mission  De  Quevavi—Tumacacohi— Mission  San  Xavier  Del 
Bac—Tl'cson— State  Of  The  Mission— Church  Of  San  Xavier  And  Its 
Builders. 

There  is  little  on  ivcord  concerning  tlie  locnl  e- 
vents  of  the  several  missions  in  rimeiia  Alta.  AVhat 
could  be  learned  is  given  here  mostly  upon  the  au- 
thority of  Bancroft,  as  Arricivita's  "Cronica  Serafi- 
ca,"  which  brings  the  record  down  to  tlie  year  1701, 
was  published  at  Mexico  in  1792.  (1)  For  other  par- 
ticulars see  chapters  III  and  VI. 

(I)  Bancroft,  History  North  Moxlcan  Btatps,  '20  Pnys  of  tliis  *.vnk : 
"Arricivlta's  stnndnrd  chroniclp  of  thn  mission  woik  of  the  Santi  Cma 
CoUcRo  Qiiorii.triro,  was  p'lhUsh^fl  in  1792  In  Maxicn,  brinrrlnc  tliP  rorord 
down  to  ]791.  TliP  first  booiv  of  l.")7  pages  is  occupiP'l  with  thp  llfp  of  P. 
Antonio  Marjril  dp  Jesus,  iricludinpr  sotnp  liistorical  matorial  for  thP, 
northern  rpcions.  TliP  srcond  book,  pnros  l.')S-:i20,  pivps  the  earJy  mission 
annals  of  Nueva  Leon,  CoahuiLa,  and  Texas  in  the  form  of  binf laiihirnt 
Bketches  of  half  a  dozen  leadinp  friars  of  the  collep-e.  Twelve  chapters  ff 
book  III,  pap-es  H21-:;r:5,  are  devoted  to  the  Texas  missions;  and  the  re- 
mainder of  tlie  work  is  Occupied  almost  exclusively  vvith  the  Franciscan 
annals  of  Sonora,  on  which  subject  it  is  eetgnd  comparison  the  ees* 
authority. 

"As    indicated  in  the  title  jiape,  Cronica  SernCca  Y  Apo  tolica  Del  Ci]^- 
gio  Do  rropagtuida  Fide  De  La  Santa  Cruz  De  Qucrctaro" . . .  .Escrita  For 


—  180  — 

MISSION  PURISIxMA  CONCEPCION  DE  CAEORCA. 
This  mission  with  its  two  visitas,  San  Antonio  Pit- 
iqui  and  Nuestra  Seilora  del  Populo,  (or  San  Juan 
del  Bisanio;),  in  1782  still  had  1,265  Indians.  There 
was  no  church  nor  house  for  the  missionary  at  Piti- 
qui,  Bancroft  tells  us;  but  Arricivita  declares:  "Se 
han  fabricado  do  cal  y  ladrillo  de  l)6veda  las  iglesias 
de  San  Ignacio,  Tubutama,  y  del  Pitiqul,"^  the  Fa- 
thers constructed  a  church  of  brick  and  mortar  at 
that  station.  The  church  at  Caborca  was  also  reno- 
vated by  the  Fathers.  Fr.  Juan  Diaz,  one  of  the 
victims  in  the  Colorado  massacre  of  1780,  was  the 
first  Franciscan  stationed  at  Caborca  from  1768  to 
1773.  His  successors  Avere  Fr.  Antonio  Calzada  1773- 
1782,  when  he  died  on  December  20th;  (2)  Fr,  Jos^ 
Soler  1773;  Fr.  Clemen  te  Moreno  1775-1781:  Fr.  Jos^ 
Maria  Espinosa  1776;  Fr.  Juan  Gorgol  1772-1786;  Fr. 
Francisco  H.  Garces  1779;  Fr.  Antonio  llamos  1781- 
1792;  Fr.  Jose  Mora  1790-1793;  Fr.  Angel  Collazo 
1792-]791;  Fr.  Lorenzo  Sim6  1794-1795;  Fr.  Alonso 
Prado  1796-1797;  Fr.  Andres  Sanchez  1796-1803:  Fr. 
Pablo  Mota  1797-1798;  Fr.  Ramon  Lopez  1799-1800; 
Fr.  Pedro  Font  1779-1781,  who  died  in  the  latter 
year;  (3)  Fr.  Francisco  Moyano  1785-1790;  Fr.  Fran- 
cisco   Iturralde   1778;    Fr.  Francisco   Antonio   Barbas- 

ol  r.  Fr.  Juan  DorainRO  Arricivita.  Secunda  Parte,  Mexico  1792,  this 
Nvorli  was  a  second  part.  Tlie  first  part  was:  "Cronica  Apostoiica  Y  Sera 
pliica,"  Escrita  Por  El  P.  Fr.  Ii^idoro  Felix  de  E-pinosa,  Paete  Peimera, 
Mexico  1746.  Padre  Espinosa's  work  covers  a  wider  range  of  territory 
than  that  of  Arricivita,  whi'-li  was  intended  as  a  supplement.  The  two 
works  together  form  one  of  the  best  of  tlie  old  missionary  chronicles. 
The  works  are  xery  rare  as  well  as  valuable." 

(2)  Fr.  Ambrosio  Calzada  had  been  a  member  of  the  Franciscan  province 
of  Burpfos,  Spain,  before  joining  the  Quer^taro  missionary  college  in 
1770.  After  passing  over  to  the  Sonora  missions  Fr.  Calzada  labored  with 
much  zeal  among  the  natives  until  lie  lost  the  use  of  his  limbs  through 
n  stroke  of  jiaralysis.  He  suffered  from  this  misfortune  until  his  death 
on    December  2()th,  17S2.  Arricivita  561-562. 

(3)  Fr.  Pedro  Font  came  to  the  College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Quer^taro, 
from  the  province  of  Catalonia.  At  his  own  request  he  was  sent  to  the 
missions  of  Sonora  in  177.3,  and  assigned  to  Mission  San  Jos6  de  Pimas, 
which  had  been  recently  elevated  to  the  rank  of  a  mission.  Fr.  Font  con- 
sequently had  to  suffer  a  great  deal  for  want  of  things   that  aie   usually 


~  181  — 

t-o  1780;  Fr.    Mariano   Bordoy  179G;    Fr.  Florencio  I- 
bauez  1790.  (4) 

MISSION  BAN  FRANCISCO  DE  ATI. 
There  was  only    one    station,    San  Antonio    Oqnitoa 
or   Aqnitoa,    attached    to    this    mission.    During   their 
administration   the  Franciscans  repaired  and  renovat- 
ed  the   churches   at   Ati    and    Oqnitoa.    The   Fathers 
that    hil)ored  here   among  the    Indians  and  a  few  set- 
tlers  were   the   following:    Fr.    Jos6    Soler   1708-1774; 
Fr.  Felipe  Guillen  1773;  Fr.  Jose  Maria  Espinosa  1773- 
1775 ;  Fr.  Juan   Gorgol  1773-1787 ;  Fr.  Antonio  Ramos 
1774-1775;  Fr.  Eizarch  1776-1781;    Fr.  Felix  Gamarra, 
1777-1779,    when  he    died    at   Tnbutama;    (5)  Fr.  Cle- 
mente  Moreno  17S9 ;  Fr.  Juan    Baptist   Llorenes  1787- 
1790;    Fr.     Francisco     Antonio    Barbastro     1789;    Fr. 
Francisco  Moyano  1790-1817;  Fr.  Bedro  Amoros  1790; 
Fr.    Ramon    Lopez    1797-1798;    Fr.    Jose    Gomez    1797- 
1798.  Of  these  some  doubtless  were  only  visitors.   (0) 
MISSION  SAN  PEDRO  Y  SAN  PABLO  DE  TUBUTAMA. 
Fr.  President   Mariano   Buena   took   charge   of   this 
mission  and  its  visita,    Santa   Teresa,  in  1708;  but  he 
was    soon   succeeded    by    Fr.  Jose    del   Rio   1768-1769. 
The  other  Fathers   serving   here   according   to   the   re- 
abundant  at  older  niissions.  In  January  1775  ho  was  chosen  ta  accompan- 
y  Don  Juan  B.  Anza's  expedition  to  tlie  Port  of  San  Francisco  as  chaplainv 
The   trip   lasted   till  Juno  1776.  On  liis  return,  ho  found  his   mission   had 
been  ceded  to  the  Jaliscans,  wherefore  he  proceeded  to  the  visita  de  San= 
ti  Maria  Mafjdalena.  Thence  obedience  placed  him  nt   Mission   del    Pitic; 
Arricivita,  560-nCl. 

(i)  Fr.  Ibafiez,  after  being  a  member  of  tlie  Queretaro  CoUe&e  for  IT 
years,  rejoined  San  Fernando  College  Mexico,  when  he  was  sent  to  Cali- 
fornia, where  he  died  at  Soledad  in  I.SIS.  Vide  Franciscans  in  Californiai 
'SS'i.  Some  of  the  Fathers  named  doubtless  were  only  visitors  who  adminis^ 
tered  the  Sacraments  while  at  the  missioni  Arricivita,  418;  Bancroft) 
Hist.  Texas  I,  724. 

(5)  Fr.  Felix  Gamarra  was  a  native  of  Spain  and  had  belonj^-ed  to  the 
Franciscan  province  of  Caritabria.  While  still  a  dt<ac0n  he  urKei;tIv  beprfred 
to  be  sent  to  the  American  missions,  and  reuclied  the  college  of  Quereta- 
ro in  1770.  After  sorviiiR  in  several  humble  positions  he  was  ordained 
priest  and  sent  to  Sonora,  where  he  labored  anions  the  Indians  until 
May  1779,  when  he  was  strickea  down  by  a  m  iliTuaiit  fever.  Ho  died  for- 
tifled  witli  tlie  Sacraments  in  the  thirty-seC(*nd  ybar  of  liis  lifoi  Arricivi= 
ti»,  MO.         (G)   Bancroft,    Hist,   Tox.  I,  724i 


—  182  — 

gistors  M'ere :  Fr.  Esldvan  Salazar  1769-1772;  Fr.  Jos^ 
Maria  Eapinosa  1773-1774;  (?)  (7)  Fr.  Felipe  Guillen 
1774-1778,  in  whicli  latter  year  ho  was  murdered  by 
tlie  Indians  on  his  way  from  Santa  Teresa  to  Atl; 
(8)  Fr.  Manuel  Carrasco  who  died  at  Magdalena  1776; 
Fr.  Francisco  A.  Barbastro  1778-1783;  Fr.  Francisco 
Iturralde  1784;  Fr.  Francisco  Moyano  1788-1790;  Fr. 
Bartolomc  Socies  1791;  and  Fr.  Jose  Gomez  1800.  At 
Tubulama  the  Fathers,  especially  through  Fr.  Guil- 
len's elForts,  erected  and  nicely  ornamented  a  brick 
church.  Fr.  Gamarra  of  Ati  died  at  this  mission  in 
1779.  The  bodies  of  the  Colorado  Martyrs  rested  here 
from  1781  to  1794,  when  they  were  transferred  to 
Queretaro.    (9) 

MISSION  DOLORES  DE    SARIC. 

Very  little  is  known  of  this  mission;  not  even  the 
names  of  the  missionaries  are  on  record.  San  Jose  de 
Aquimuri  was  the  only  station  or  visita.  Saric  was 
plundered  by  the  savages  in  1776,  but  the  church 
was  saved.  Fr.  Florencio  Ibafiez  was  the  missionary 
from  1783-1790.  The  visita  was  abandoned  before 
1784.  (10) 

MISSI02,^  SAN  IGNACIO  DE  CABURICA. 

The  Fathers  erected  a  brick  church  at  San  Ignacio, 
and    continued    in    charge    of    the    two   stations    San 


(7)    Viilo  preceding  missioti. 

(8)  Fr.  Felipo  Guillen  was  a  native  of  Piles,  Valencia,  Spain.  Ho  re- 
nounced very  flatteririp;  worldly  prospects  and  took  tiie  habit  of  St.  Fran- 
cis in  the  province  of  Valencia.  After  tlio  Ujual  studies  he  was  ordained 
priest,  and  Liter  in  1700  was  amons  the  forty  relisious  whom  the  Fr. 
Commissary  had  collected  in  Spain  for  the  College  of  Santa  Cruz,  Que- 
i6tiro.  After  givins;  proof  of  hi--  fitness  for  the  missions  by  his  fervent 
observance  of  the  rules  at  the  coUeRc,  Fr.  Felipe  was  permitted  to  enter 
the  missionary  field  of  Texas.  He  remained  two  years  at  Mission  San 
Francisco.  Wlien  the  Texas  missions  were  ceded  to  the  Zacatecan  Fathers 
Fr.  Guillen  returned  to  the  college,  but  he  was  soon  despatched  to  Sono- 
ri,  whore  he  was  st  itioned  at  Tubutama.  There  lie  tauglit  the  Christian 
Doctrine  morning  and  evening  to  the  natives  in  both  the  Spanish  and  Pi- 
nii  tongue  like  the  other  missionaries.  At  the  time  of  his  death,  April 
27tli,  1778,  Fr.  Guillen  was  41  years  of  age,  of  which  he  passed  nine  in 
tiie  missions.     Arricivita,  524-520. 

(9)     Bancroft,  Hist.  Texas,  I,  724;  Shea,  Hist.  Cath.  Church,    Vol.    IV   2;C» 
:U:;;    Anicivita,  4iS.         (10)     Ft  iiiciMft,  Hi.st.   Texas,  I,  72t, 


—  183  — 

Jos^  Imuris  and  Snnta  Maria  Magdelcna.  In  1776 
Mngdalena  was  attacked  and  nearly  destroyed  by  the 
rebel  jf\paelies. 

The  following  Religions  were  in  charge  of  the  mis- 
sion at  different  times:  Fr.  Diego  Martin  Garcia 
1768-1772;  Fr.  Francisco  S.  Zufiiga  1772-1780;  Fr. 
Manuel  Carrasco  1771-1776,  Avhen  he  died  on  May 
9th:  (11)  Fr.  Pedro  Arriquihar  1780-1704;  Fr.  Francis- 
co Tobas  1796-1799;  Fr.  Jose  Perez  1799  et  seq.  (12) 
MISSION  SANTA  MARIA  DE  SUAMCA. 

Fr.  Francisco  Koche  in  June  17G8  took  charge  of 
this  mission  and  ita  visita  Santiago  de  Coc6spera.  In 
November  of  the  fame  year  the  mission  was  de- 
stroyed by  the  Apaches,  after  a  hard  light  with  the 
Pima  neophytes;  wherefore  the  Father  transferred 
his  Hock  to  Cocospera,  which  also  suffered  from  the 
savages  in  the  same  year.  A  church  was  in  course  of 
erection  in  1772,  but  the  location  was  not  a  good 
one.  The  missionary  intended  to  restore  the  mission 
on  a  good  site  nearer  Terrenate;  but  as  late  as  1784 
Suamca  had  not  been  reoccupied,  and  was  probably 
never  rebuilt.  There  were  110  Indians  still  attached 
to  the  mission  in  1772.  (18) 

MISSION  SANTOS  ANGELES  DE  GUEVAVI. 

This  mission  was  one  of  the  two  situated  in  what 
is  now  the  Territory  of  Arizona.  It  lay  one  league 
from  the  presidio  of  Tubac.  In  1769  it  was  attacked 
at  midday  by   the   Apaches.  Before   1791    a   new   roof 


(11)  Fr.  Manuel  Carrasco  was  a  native  of  Spain,  and  received  the  liabit  of 
tlie  Serapiiic  Order  in  the  province  of  San  Miguel  do  Estrcmadura.  Ho 
was  incorrorated  into  the  College  of  Quer^taro  in  1770  when  twenty-seven 
j-rtirs  of  ag?.  After  residing  at  the  college  for  three  years,  Fr.  Manuel  was 
sent  to  Sonora  where  he  labored  nearly  always  in  ill  health.  He  died  at 
the  visita  of  Santa  Maria  Magdalena  on  the  9th  of  May  1776,  at  the  ago 
of  thirty-three.    Arricivita,  ."ifO. 

Arricivita  also  mentions  Fr.  Joaquin  Velarde  as  having  died  in  a  mis- 
sion of  Pimeria  Alta,  the  name  of  which  ho  omits.  Fr.  Velarde  camo 
from  the  province  of  Cantabria.    He  died  in  March  ll»\.  Arricivita,  Ibid. 

(12)     Bancroft,  Hist.  Texas,  I,  728-724;     Arricivita,  44«, 

(i:!)     Bancroft,  Hitt.  Texas,  I,  72S. 


—  184  — 

was  put  on  the  cluirch  bnildinp;,  tliougli  it  ceased  to 
be  a  mission  about  the  year  1781,  when  the  mission- 
ary in  charge  removed  to  Tumacdcori.  Under  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Franciscans  a  lobe  houses  for  the 
Indians  and  a  wall  for  tlieir  protection  Avere  erected. 
A  new  church  of  adohe  was  also  built  at  Tumaca- 
cori   much   after   the  style  of  San  Javier's  at  Bac 

Fr.  Gil  de  Bernave  was  the  lirst  Franciscan  who 
resided  at  Guevavi.  He  arrived  in  1768,  and  from 
here  attended  the  visitas  of  Tumacacori,  Calabazas, 
and  8an  Ignacio  de  kSonoita,  together  with  the  presi- 
dio of  Tubac.  Fr.  Gil  remained  till  1772,  when  he  was 
succeeded  by  Fr.  Baltazar  Carillo,  it  seems. 

Tumacacori^  or  San  Jose,  became  the  residence  of 
the  missionary  about  1784  or  earlier,  when  Guevavi 
was  deserted  together  with  San  Ignacio  de  Sonoita  or 
Sonoitac  across  tlie  line  in  Mexico.  The  name  of  the 
latter  is  still  retained,  Ijut  (luevavi  opposite  Calabr- 
zas  sev-^ms  to  have  disappeared  from  modern  maps. 
At  Sonoitac  the  Franciscan  Fathers  had  erected  a 
new  brick  church,  hut  this  did  not  prevent  the  aban- 
doning of  the  itlaco.  TLimacd::ori  for  a  long  time  was 
a  flourishing  mission.  Before  1791  a  new  roof  was 
put  on  the  church  bi:i'.ding,  and  many  other  im- 
provements made.  Houses  of  adobe  for  the  Indians 
and  a  wall  of  the  same  material  for  the  protection 
of  the  mission  were  likewise  constructed.  A  new 
ciiurch  of  adobe  was  })uilt  in  the  l)eginning  of  the 
eig'.iteentii  century  and  completed,  it  seems,  in  1822. 
It  is  now  only  a  mass  of  ruins  on  the  west  l)ank 
of  tho  Santa  Cruz  Kiver. 

Fr.  Baltazar  Carillo  was  stationed  at  Tumacacori 
until  1798  or  1799,  when  he  died.  Fr.  Narciso  Gutier- 
rez was  the  next  missionary,  and  he  also  resided 
here  until  his  death  which  occurred  probally  in  1820» 
I''r.  Kamon  Lil)eros  then  took  charge  of  the  mission, 
as  we  may  gather  from  tlie  following  note  found  in 
the  mission  records;   "I,  Fr;  Bamon    Liberos,  mission^ 


—  185   — 

ary  at  the  missicn  of  San  Jcs^  do  Tumacdcori,  on 
the  13tli  of  December,  1822,  transferred  the  remains 
of  the  liev.  Baltazar  Carillo  and  the  Kev.  Narciso 
Gutierrez  from  the  old  cluirch  to  tlie  new  one,  and 
buried  them  in  the  sanctuary  on  the  Gospel  side. 
Fr.  Kamon  Liberos.''  (14)  — ■ — ■ — 

Calahazas^  or  San  Cayetano,  the  only  pueblo  de 
visita  vrhich  seems  to  have  survived  1784,  had  C4 
neophytes  in  1772,  but  no  church  nor  a  house  for  the 
missionary;  these  were  erected  before  1701,  however. 
In  1828  Calabazas  is  mentioned  as  a  rancho  near 
which  some  poor  people  worked  a  gold  mine. 

Tuhac  is  a  name  that  appears  as  a  presidio  in 
1762.  About  the  years  1814-1824  the  place  is  denomi- 
nated both  presidio  and  "pueblo  y  mission."  In  1821 
the  books  were  inspected  by  the  Bishop  of  Sonora. 
The  spiritual  wants  were  attended  to  by  the  Fathers 
of  the  adjoining  mission  of  Guevavi,  and  later  from 
Tuma.'acori.   (15) 

SAN  XAVIER  DEL  BAC. 

Eac,  (IC)  or  San  Xavier  del  Bac,  known  as  a  ran- 
clie:ia  since  the  seventeenth  century,  became  a  mis- 
sion about  1732,  or  perhaps  1720.  It  is  situated  in 
the  Santa  Cruz  Valley,  about  nine  miles  south  of 
Tucson,  Arizona,  and  was  founded  by  the  Jesuit  Fa- 
thers for  the  Papago  Indians.   (17) 

For  several  years  after  its  establishment  by  the 
Jesuits  it  had  no  resident  priest,  but  was  attended 
from  Guevavi.  The  population  must  have  been  con- 
siderable, judgii.g  from  the  number  of  Baptisms  ad- 
ministered between  the  years  1720  and  3767.  During 
this  period,  according  to  the  baptismal  records,  twen- 


(14)     "Soldiers  of  the  Cross,"  181.  (15)     Bancroft,  KLst.  Texas  723;  Hist. 

Arizona,  :K-384 ;   Arricivita,  396;  4-18. 

(16)  The  word  Bac  in  tlio  Innpuape  of  tlio  natives  means  a  place  where 
tliere  is  water.  (17>  PApngo  means  "cnt  hair,"  thns  desitrnatinp:  In- 
dians who  cut  their  hair,  i.  e.  Cliristians.  The  Yuma  men  to  this  day  let 
the  hair  grow    and  luuig  dnwn    to  the    hips. 


—  ISO  — 

ty-t\vo  Jesuit  missionaries   succecssivol}'   administered 
the  Sacraments  at  San  Xavier. 

In  June  17C8  the  mission  was  committed  to  the 
care  of  Fr.  Francisco  Hermenegildo  Garc^s,  0.  F.  M., 
who  was  in  ciiarge  until  1778,  when  lie  removed  to 
the  Colorado  River.  (18)  Fr.  Jos6  del  Rio  is  named  as 
com'panevo  of  Fr.  Garc^s,  and  he  may  have  served  at 
Bac,  though  his  own  mission  station,  1768-1769,  was 
Tubutama  in  Sonora.  In  1770-1771  Fr.  Jos6  went  to 
Mexico  in  behalf  of  the  Pimeria  Alta  missions,  Fr. 
Baltasar  Carrillo  was  superior  of  the  mission  at  Bac 
from  May  22d,  1780-1791.  His  successor  as  superior 
was  the  former  assistant,  Fr.  Narcisso  Gutierrez,  who 
remained  in  charge  until  1799.  His  assistants  succes- 
sively were  Fathers  Mariano  Bordoy,  Ramon  Lopez, 
and  Angel  Alonzo  de  Prado.  Fr.  Pedro  Arriquibar 
probably  was  the  resident  missionary  in  1819,  for  his 
name  appears  on  the  Tubac  register  as  chaplain  of 
Tucson.  (19)  What  other  Fathers  were  stationed  at 
San  Xavier  it  is  impossible  to  state,  for  there  are  no 
records  extant  of  the  period  beginning  with  the 
third  decade.  (20) 

Tucson^  or  San  Jose  de  Tucson,  since  the  year 
1763  was  a  visita  of  Bac.  In  1772  it  was  still  without 
either  church  or  priest's  house.  It  was  situated  in  a 
fertile  locality  where  a  large  number  of  pagan  and 
Christian  Indians  had  congregated. 

The  population  in  that  year  was  estimated  at   over 


(IS)     Seo  chapters  XII  and  XIII.  (19)     Arricivita,   396;  448;     Bancroft, 

Hist.    Arizona,  379-381. 

(20)  According  to  Bancroft  a  writer  in  the  Tucson  "Dos  Republicas"  of 
Sopt.  16,  1S77,  wlio  lias  apparently  examined  some  of  the  mission  registers, 
names  the  following  Fathers  as  having  served  iu  Arizona  between  1768- 
1828:  Francisco  Garc^s,  Juan  Diaz,  Joso  Matias  Moreno,  Juan  Antonio 
Barraneche,  Bartolom6  Jimenez,  Gaspar  de  Clemente,  Juan  CarzoU,  Cle- 
mento  Moreno,  Clemente  Rijarch,  Pedro  Arriquibar.  Juan  B.  Nelderrain, 
Joaquin  Antonio  Velarde,  Baltasar  Carrillo,  Narciso  Gutierrez,  Mariano 
Bordoy,  Ramon  Lopez,  Ramon  Liberos,  Juan  Maldonado,  and  Rafael  Di- 
az, who  was  in  charge  of  San  Agustin  del  Pueblito  de  Tucson  in  1826.  It 
is  to  be  noted  that  this  list  d<^es  not  include  Fr.  Gil  de  Bernave,  the  ori- 
ginal missionary  of  Guevavi,  nor  Fr.  Juan  B.  Estelric  who  both  belonged 
to  Arizona.    Banc.  Hist.  Ariz.  L79-380 


—  187  — 

200  families.  Many  of  these  seem  to  have  been  sub- 
sequently scattered,  as  in  1774  there  v/ere  found  only 
ei^dity  families  of  Pima  Indians.  According  to  Arrici- 
vita  "the  Apaches  have  always  soufrht  to  destroy  a 
small  rancheria  at  Tugson,  it  being  the  point  of  en- 
try for  their  irruptions;  but  by  tlie  efforts  of  Father 
Francisco  Carets  a  pueblo  was  built  there,  with  a 
cliurch,  house  for  the  missionary,  and  a  wall  for  de- 
fence; and  it  is  to-day  a  presidio  of  Spaniards."  (21) 
The  presidio  was  removed  there  from  Tubac  in  or  be- 
fore 1777,  so  that  the  date  of  the  founding  of  Tucson 
as  a  Spanish  settlement  may  be  set  down  as  17TG. 

The  church,  like  tliat  of  Bac,  was  of  l)rick  and  de 
hovedas.  "The  Indians  Avere  quartered  in  a  little 
l)ueblo  adjoining  the  presidio,  and  called  from  this 
time  "San  Augustin  del  pueblito  de  Tucson."  The 
presidio  was  sometimes  also  called  San  Agustin.  Fa- 
ther Rafael  Diaz  was  in  charge  of  San  Agustin  del 
Pueblito  de  Tucson  in  1820;  he  probably  left  the 
place  in  tlie  following  year. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Franciscans  the  Indians  were 
scattered  and  had  forgotten  their  catechism,  as  we 
had  occasion  to  relate  before ;  but  they  consented  to 
return  if  not  compelled  to  work.  Before  the  end  of 
the  year  1768  the  mission  was  destroyed  by  Apaches, 
who  killed  the  native  chief,  or  mission  governor, 
and  captured  two  soldiers.  Fr.  Garces  lay  sick  at 
Guevavi  when  this  occurred.  In  several  subsequent 
raids  the  mission  live-stock  disappeared,  but  after 
1772  lost  ground  was  more  than  regained,  though  Fr. 
Garc6s  was  for  a  large  part  of  the  time  engaged  in 
northern  and  western  explorations. 

"The  official  report  of  1772  shows  a  population  of 
270  on  the  registers,  and  describes  the  adobe  cliurch 
as  moderately  capacious,  but  poorly  supplied  with 
furniture    and    vestments.  (22) 

(2!)    Arricivita,  448.        (22)     Bancroft,  Hi^.t.  Arizona,  381  382. 


—  168  — 

Tli9  cliuroh  abovo  the  front  door  bears  the  date  of 
1797,  which  is  probably  the  3'ear  of  its  completion. 
The  building  was  probably  begun  soon  after  the  date 
of  the  reports  on  which  Arricivita  based  his  account, 
and  completed  in  the  last  decade  of  the  century. 
There  is  a  tradition  that  the  church  was  built  on 
the  site  of  the  old  Jesuit  church;  that  its  construc- 
tion occupied  fourteen  years,  and  that  two  brothers 
Gaona  were  the  builders  under  the  supervision  of 
the  Fathers.  (23)  No  mention  is  made  of  their  names 
in  any  record.  "Nor  did  those  true  sons  of  humble 
8t.  Francis  put  on  the  walls  any  mark  that  could 
manifest  their  personal  merit  to  future  generations. 
What  they  did  was  to  place  the  coat-of-arms  of  their 
Order  on  the  frontispiece  of  the  churcii,  as  if  to  say 
to  us:  We  poor  Religious  of  St.  Francis,  unknown  to 
you,  have  built  this  for  you;  pray  for  us!  The  mis- 
sionaries who  had  left  their  country  to  go  after  the 
conquest  of  souls  for  heaven,  were  not  working  for 
fame  or  any  personal  interest.  What  they  aimed  at 
was  to  please  God  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties, 
leaving  to  Him  to  take  note  of  the  little  good  they 
might  be  able  to  do."  Nevertheless,  if  the  tradition 
about  the  time  spent  in  constructing  the  church  be 
right,  we  can  raise  the  veil  of  humility  by  looking 
at  the  names  of  the  missionaries  of  whom  mention 
is  made  in  the  church  records  during  that  period. 

"According  to  this  tradition  the  present  church, 
which  replaced  the  old  one  left  by  the  Jesuits,  was 
commenced  in  1788,  during  the  administration  of  Fr. 
Baltasar  Carrillo,  O.  F.  M.,  whose  name  is  men- 
tioned in  the  records  from  May  22d,  1780,  to  179-i. 
His  successor  as  superior  of  tlie  mission  was  his  as- 
sistant priest,  Fr.  Narciso  Gutierrez,  O.  F.  M.,  who 
remained  in  cliarge  until  1799,  having  successively  as 
assistants    his    Brethren    in    religion    Fathers    Mariano 

Ci'.ij     Banc.    Hist.   Arizono,    IWI ;     "SoJiliors  of  the  Cross"  .is2i 


—  189  — 

Bordoy,  Ivamon  Lopez,  niul  Aloiizo  de  Prndo.  \Ve 
may  therefore  safely  conclude  that  to  the  Fathers 
named,  and  especially  to  the  two  superiors,  the  still 
rich  and  elegant  church  of  San  Xavier  del  Bac  owes 
its  existence."  This  eifectually  disposes  of  the  asser- 
tion that  the  structure  was  erected  by  the  Jesuit 
Fathers.    (24) 

Bvncroft,      too,  (25)    says:     "All    the    churches    of 
Pimeria    Alta    at    this  period  are    described  as  of  ad- 
obes,   covered  with  wood,    grass,  and  earth.  Arricivi- 
ta,    writing  in  1791,    mentions  on   one  page  (26)    that 
the  Franciscans  have  built  here  adobe  houses  for  the 
natives    and    walls    for    defence  against  the  Apaches; 
but   thoug'.i    specifying    somewhat    minutely  the  vari- 
ous churches  that  had  been  built  or  repaired,  ho  says 
nothing  of  such  work  at  Bac.  In  a  similar    statement 
on  another  page,  however,  he  includes    Bac,    as    well 
as  Tucson,  among  the  places  where  churches  of  brick 
had    been     built.     (27)    Yet    I    think    the    chronicler 
would   not  have  dismissed  with  so  slight  a  notice  the 
magnificent   structure    still    standing   at    San    Xavier, 
which  has   elicited    many    a   description   from  modern 
visitors." 

Fathers  Baltasar  Carrillo  and  Narciso  Gutierrez 
were  not  permitted  to  remain  at  San  Xavier  until 
the  end  of  their  useful  career.  Both  were  assigned, 
one  after  the  other,  to  the  mission  of  Tumacacori, 
where  they  died.  In  erecting  San  Xavier  del  Bac  as 
also  in  building  the  church  at  Tumacacori  tradition 
lias  it  that  the  Fathers  employed  two  brothers  by 
the  name  of  Gaona.  Whether  these  were  in  any  way 
connected  with  the  Franciscan  Order  it  is  impossible 
to  say.   (28) 


(24)      "Mission    of    Saa    Xavier   del    Bac,"     pages    7-9;    "Soldiers    of   the 

Cros!:,"  182. 
(25)     Bancroft,  Hist.  Arizona,  3S0.     (26j     Arricirita,     U8.     (27)     Ibid.  "Todas 

de  ladrillo  y  b6vedas." 
(28)    "San  Xavier  del  Bac."  8. 


-  Wo 


CHAPTER    II. 

San   Xavier's  Modern   Hisioey— Means   To   Bcild  Chueciies— Besceii" 
TioN  Of  The  Church— Secularization. 

Before  giving  a  description  of  the  beautiful  church 
of  San  Xavier  del  Eac,  south  of  Tucson,  Arizona,  a 
little  must  be  said  of  tlie  modern  history  of  the  mis* 
pion  subsequent  to  the  expulsion  of  the  Frnnciscans. 
It  remained  witliout  a  priest  for  a  long  time.  Though 
never  abandoned  by  the  Bishop  of  Sonora,  but 
placed  in  cliargo  of  the  parish  priest  of  Magdalena, 
tiie  Indians  saw  a  minister  of  God  only  on  rare  oc- 
casions. This  state  of  things  lasted  until  1869.  At 
that  time  tlie  territory  of  Arizoiui  was  attached  to 
the  diocese  of  Santa  Fe,  New  JMexico,  whose  Bishop, 
the  lU.  llev.  J.  B.  Lamy  saw  that  the  new  Held  be 
visited  by  a  priest.  The  first  priest  his  lordsliip  sent 
for  that  purpose  was  his  worthy  Vicar-General,  the 
active  and  energetic  J.  P.  Machobeuf,  who  later  on 
became  the  first  Bishop  of  Denver,  Colorado.  Father 
Machebeuf  found  the  church  of  San  Xavier  to  be  the 
only  one  in  Arizona  which  had  not  been  complete- 
ly ruined.  He  saw,  however,  that  the  vaults  of  the 
once  beautiful  temple  had  been  greatly  injured  by 
leakage,  and  liis  first  cnre  was  to  have  a  coat  of 
mortar  put  on  tlie  outside  surface,  in  order  to  pre' 
vent  any  further  danuige.  The  repairs,  whicli  no 
doubt  Paved  the  structure  from  falling  to  pieces, 
were  elFected  by  means  of  voluntary  work  or  con- 
tributions  of  the  poor  peojile  who  lived  in  the  vi' 
cinity  at  that  time.  The  Indians  of  San  Xavier  had 
not  entirely  forgotten  what  they  had  been  tauglit  by 


THE     NAVE     OF     SAN     XAVIER     CHURCH. 


-l§i  - 

tlie  old  missionaries.  As  soon  as  tlioy  heard  that  :i 
priest  was  coining  amongst  them,  they  rushed  to  the 
church  and  rang  the  l)ells  to  welcome  him  as  the 
minister  of  Cod.  Tliey  listened  to  his  instructions 
and  brought  their  children  to  be  baptized.  In  a  very 
short  time  Father  Machebeuf  asce  tained  that  the 
natives  still  knew  some  prayers,  and,  to  his  amaze- 
ment, even  two  or  three  were  able  to  sing  a  mass. 
Another  agreeable  surprise  awaited  the  priest  when 
he  saw  the  Indians  bringing  to  him  several  church 
articles,  which  they  had  kept  in  their  houses  for 
years  lest  they  should  be  carried  off  by  strangers.  (1) 
In  March,  18G1,  the  lit.  Rev.  Bishop  came  °to  Ari- 
zona and  held  the  visitation  at  both  San  Xavier  and 
Tucson.  Father  C.  Mesea  attended  the  former  and 
Father  L.  Bosco  llio  latter  mission.  Both  priests  were 
mem))ers  of  the  Society  of  Jesus. 

In  September  1878  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of  Ca- 
rondelet.  Mo.,  established  a  day  school  at  San  Xavier 
for  the  IVipag)  Indians.  They  occupied  the  quarters 
formerly  used  as  a  convent  by  the  Franciscans.  It 
was  closed  again  in  April  187(3  for  want  of  means. 
"It  may  be  asked  here  what  were  the  means  the 
missionaries  had  at  their  disposal  for  the  erection  of 
such  structures.  According  to  the  writers  of  the  Ru- 
do  Ensayo  and  Notlcia^  Estadhiicas,  the  churches 
■were  built  by  tho  missioiiaries  with  the  solo  product 
of  the  land  assigned  by  tlic  government  to  each  one 
of  tho  missions,  whicli  land  was  cultivated  by  tho 
Indians  under  the  direction  of  their  respective  min- 
isters. To  this  resource  we  might  add  the  product  of 
the  live  stock,  which  was  considerable  at  times  in 
several  of  tho  missions,  and  also  what  tho  missiona- 
l-ies  were  al)le  to  spare  of  the  scant  allowance  of 
provisions  which  were  isGucd  to  them  by  th.e   govern^ 


(1)  For  Uie  information  cdntalned  in  this  cliapter  we  are  intlobtpil  ^riu' 
cipally  to  "Mission  San  Xavier  del  Bac,"  pages  M5,  and  Archbishop 
Salpointo's    'Soldiers  of  the  Cress,"  i\  165-U8;  250  2Gi. 


—  l92  — 

hient,  amounting  yearly  to  $300  for  each  one.  This 
expL^ins  why  the  buikling  of  the  churches  required 
so  lon<r  a  time,  and  also  why  some  of  them  remained 
unfinished  in  some  of  their  parts.'' 

''The  church,  as  can  be  seen  Ijy  its  arches,  surpas- 
sing the  semicircle  and  the  ornamental  work  in  low 
relief  which  covers  the  Hat  surfaces  of  some  parts  of 
its  walls,  belongs  to  the  Moorish  style.  The  first 
thing  to  be  noticed  is  the  atrium,  a  little  enclosure 
66x33  feet,  which  separates  the  church  from  the  pla- 
za, and  which  was  used,  for  the  place  of  meetings 
relating  to  matters  not  directly  connected  with  re- 
ligion. 

"On  tho  frontispiece,  which  shows  the  width  of  the 
church  with  its  two  towers,  is  placed,  in  low  relief, 
the  coat-of-arms  of  the  Order  of  St.  Francis  of  Assi- 
si.  It  consists  of  an  escutclieon,  with  a  white  ground 
filled  in  with  a  twisted  cord,  and  a  cross  on  which 
are  nailed  one  arm  of  Our  Savior  and  one  of  St. 
Francis,  representing  the  union  of  the  disciple  with 
the  Divine  Master  in  charity  and  the  love  of  suffer- 
ing. The  arm  of  Our  Lord  is  bare,  while  that  of  St. 
Francis,  is  covered.  On  the  right  side  of  the  escut- 
cheon is  the  monogram  of  Jesus  the  Savior  of  men, 
and  that  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  Mary  on  the  left. 
The  frontispiece  was  surmounted  by  a  life-size  statue 
of  St.  Francis,  which  has  now  gone  pretty  nearly  all 
to  pieces  under  the  action  of  time. 

"The  church,  which  is  built  of  stone  and  brick,  is 
105  by  27  feet  inside  the  walls.  Its  form  is  that  of  a 
cross,  the  transept  forming  on  each  side  of  the  nave 
a  chapel  of  twenty-one  feet  square. 

"The  building  lias  only  one  nave,  which  is  divided 
into  six  portions,  marked  by  as  many  arches,  each 
one  resting  on  two  pillars  set  against  the  walls.  A- 
bove  the  transept  is  a  cupola  of  about  fifty  feet  in 
elevation,  the  remainder  of  the  vaults  in  the  build- 
ing being  only  about  thirty  feet  high. 


—  193  — 

"Going  from  the  front  door  to  the  main  altars, 
tliere  is  on  the  right  hand  side  wall  a  fresco  repre- 
senting the  coming  of  the  Holy  Gliost  upon  the  dis- 
ciples. Opposite  to  it  is  tlie  picture,  also  in  fresco,  of 
the  Last  Supper.  Both  paintings  measure  about  9  by 
5  feet. 

"In  the  first  cliapel  to  tlie  right  are  two  altars, 
one,  facing  the  nave,  with  the  image  of  Our  Lady 
of  Sorrows  standing  at  the  foot  of  a  large  cross 
which  is  deeply  engraved  in  the  wall,  and  the  other 
one  with  the  image  of  the  Immaculate  Conception. 
In  the  same  chapel  are  two  frescoes  representing 
Our  Lady  of  the  Kosary  and  the  hidden  life  of  Our 
Savior.  The  opposite  chapel  is  also  adorned  with  two 
altars.  One  of  them  is  dedicated  to  the  Passion  of 
Our  Lord,  and  tiie  other  to  St.  Joseph.  There 
are  also  two  paintings,  the  subjects  of  which  are : 
Our  Lady  of  the  Pillar,  which  represents  the  Mother 
of  God  appearing  at  Saragosa,  and  the  Presentation 
of  Our  Lord  in  the  Temple. 

"The  main  altar,  is  dedicated  to  St.  Francis  Xa- 
vier,  the  patron  saint  the  Jesuits  had  chosen  for  the 
first  church  they  had  established  in  the  mission. 
When  erecting  this  more  spacious  building,  the  P'ran- 
ciscan  Fathers  retained  the  name  and  protection  of 
St.  Francis  Xavier.  Above  the  image  of  St.  Francis 
Xavier  is  that  of  the  Holy  Virgin  between  the  sta- 
tues of  Sts.  Peter  and  Paul,  and  at  the  summit  of 
the  altar  piece  is  the  bust  of  God,  the  Creator.  The 
pictures  seen  on  the  walls  near  this  altar,  on  the 
right  hand  side,  are,  "The  Adoration  of  Wise  Men," 
with  the  "Flight  into  Egypt;"  on  the  left,  "The  Ado- 
ration of  the  Shepherds"  with  the  "Annunciation." 

"The  altars,  and  especially  the  principal  one,  are 
decorated  with  columns  and  a  great  profusion  of  ar- 
abesques in  low  relief,  all  gilded  or  painted  in  dif- 
ferent colors,  according  to  the  requirements  of  the 
Moorish  style.   Besides  the  images  mentioned,  there 


—  194  — 

are  the  statues  of  the  twelve  apostles,  placed  in  the 
niches  cut  in  the  pillars  of  the  church,  and  many 
others,  representing  generally  some  saint  of  the  Or- 
der of  St.  Francis.  There  are  also  in  the  dome  of  the 
cupola  the  pictures  of  several  personages  of  the  Or- 
der who  occupied  a  high  rank  in  the  Church. 

"Going  again  to  the  front  door,  we  find  two  small 
openings  communicating  with  the  towers.  The  lirst 
room  on  the  right,  wliich  is  formed  by  the  inside  of 
the  tower,  is  about  twelve  feet  square,  and  is  used 
for  the  administration  of  baptism. 

"A  similar  room,  which  is  of  no  particular  use 
now,  but  which  corresponds  to  the  mortuary  chapel 
of  the  old  basilicas,  is  located  in  the  left  tower. 
From  each  one  of  these  rooms  commence  the  stairs, 
cut  in  the  thickness  of  the  Avails,  and  leading  to  the 
upper  stories.  Starting  from  the  baptistery,  the  second 
tlight  reaches  the  choir  of  the  church.  A  good  view 
of  the  upper  part  of  the  monument  can  be  had  from 
that  place. 

''There  are  also  some  frescoes  worth  noticing.  These 
are  the  Holy  Family,  facing  the  main  altar;  St. 
Francis,  represented  as  raptured  by  heavenly  love,  in 
a  fiery  chariot;  St.  Dominic,  receiving  from  the 
Blessed  Virgin  the  mission  to  promote  the  devotion 
of  the  Rosary  in  the  world;  and  the  four  Evangel- 
ists Avith  tluir  characteristic   attributes. 

"Two  flights  more  lead  to  the  belfry,  where  are 
four  rough  and  home-made  bells  of  small  size.  Twen- 
ty-two steps  more  bring  the  visitor  to  the  top  story, 
and  under  the  little  dome  covering  the  tower,  an  el- 
evation of  about  seventy-five  feet  above  the  ground. 
Here  one  may  have  a  good  view  of  the  beautiful 
and  extensive  Santa  Cruz  Valley  and  surround- 
ing mountains.  One  of  the  towers  was  never  complet- 
ed, prol  aMy  for  want  of  means;  it  lacks  the  dome 
and  the  plastering  from  the  second  story  upward. 

♦'On  the  west  side  of  the  church,  separated  from  it 


INTERIOR     OF    SAN    XAVIER. 


~  105  — 

by  a  narrow  passage,  is  an  enclosure  witli  an  open- 
ing on  the  nortli  and  a  small  chapel  standing  at  its 
western  side.  Tlie  ground  enclosed  was  formerly  used 
as  a  cemetery,  and  the  chapel  was  the  place  where 
the  dead  bodies  were  kept  until  the  ceremony  of  the 
burial  could  be   performed. 

"On  the  east  side  of  the  church  is  the  mission 
building,  which  formerly  occupied  a  somewhat  exten- 
sive space,  and  consisted  of  the  rooms  necessary  for 
the  priests,  of  a  soap  factory,  and  stores  for  the  pro- 
visions. Besides,  there  were  several  farm  houses  con- 
veniently located  on  the  mission  land.  Of  these 
buildings  there  are  now  only  two  rooms  making  a 
body  ^vith  the  church,  and  four  rooms  extending 
south  and  facing  on  the  church  plaza.  All  these 
rooms  were  repaired  by  the  government  in  1873, 
with  the  consent  and  under  the  supervision  of  the 
Bishop,  and  used  as  schoolrooms  until  1876. 

"The  little  butte  adjoining  the  church,  and  sur- 
mounted by  a  cross,  shows  on  its  top  the  crater  of 
an  extinct  volcano. 

San  Xavier,  like  all  other  missions,  flourished  until 
the  year  1810,  when  the  cry  of  "Independence"  was 
heard  all  over  Mexico.  Thereafter  they  sulfered  eith- 
er from  revolutions,  or  for  want  of  aid,  until  the 
blight  of  ''''secularization''''  or  rather  confiscation  (7) 
fell  upon  the  once  happy  refuges  of  the  poor  na- 
tives. 

This  calamity  put  an  end  to  mission  prosperity  in 
Pimeria  Alta  as  well  as  elsewhere  under  Spanish 
Masonic  rule.  On  September  LSth,  1813,  the  Spanish 
C^6rtes.  dominated  by  Free  Masons,  passed  a  decree 
to  the  effect  that  all  missions  in  America  that  had 
existed  ten  years  should  at  once  be  given  up  to  the 
Bishop,  "without  excuse  or  pretext  whatever,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  laws."  The   missionaries   might    bo 

7)    See  Franei«cnn>i  In  OnUfoynln  151.151, 


—  196  — 

appointed  if  necessary  as  temporary  curates^  and  one 
or  two  might  remain  in  each  district  where  they  had 
convents  and  had  been  serving  as  curates;  but  with 
these  few  and  temporary  exceptions  they  must  move 
on  to  new  conversions,  and  must  at  once  yield  the 
management  of  the  temporalities  to  royal  comisiona- 
dos ;  the  mission  lands  were  to  be  reduced  to  private 
ownership,  and  the  neophytes  were  to  be  governed 
by  their  town  councils  and  the  civil  authorities.   (2) 

This  Avas  called  "secularization,"  in  other  M'ords, 
consigning  to  jjrofane  use  what  had  hitherto  been 
devoted  to  the  spread  of  religion  and  the  welfare  of 
the  natives.  Confiscation  or  plunder  would  have  been 
the  proper  name  for  the  transaction;  for  "these  [sec- 
ularization] laws,  whose  ostensible  purpose  was  to 
convert  the  missionary  establishments  into  Indian 
pueblos,  their  churches  into  parish  churches,  and  to 
elevate  the  Christianized  Indians  to  the  rank  of  citi- 
zens, were  after  all  executed  in  such  a  manner  that 
the  so-called  secularization  of  the  missions  resulted 
only  in  their  plunder  and  complete  ruin,  and  in  the 
demoralization  and  dispersion  of  the  Christianized 
Indians."   (8) 

In  defense  of  the  arbitrary'  and  foolish  measure, 
the  enemies  of  the  Jesuit  and  Franciscan  mission 
system  declared  that  no  injustice  was  done  the  mis- 
sionaries ;  that  the  missions  were  never  intended  to 
be  permanent  establishments;  that  they  were  to  give 
way  in  the  course  of  some  years  to  the  regular  ec- 
clesiastical system,  Avhen  the  civilized  Indians  would 
be   formed  into  parishes,  attended  by   a  secular    cler- 

gy.  (4) 

The  Franciscans,  on  the  other  hand,  took  an  entire- 
ly different  view  of  their  work  among  the  natives ; 
nor  did  they  enter  upon  their  missionary  duties  with 

CD     Druicroft,  Hi?t,  Colif,  Vol,  II,  390-4(H.). 
(15)    Dwinal.ln,  Culoninl  History,  as  qviotcd  V>y  Glpo?on  Vol,  II,  13JJ;    BenOi 
IV,  lO'M.      (ij    BaMrofti,  Hiat,  Cal.  n,  309;  «i4^i|    Gleeson,  If,  110. 


—  19?  ~ 

tlie  understanding;  that  after  a  certain  time,  to  be 
limited  by  those  who  knew  nothing  of  the  needs  of 
the  natives,  they  would  have  to  leave  their  wards 
and  seek  other  fields  of  labor.  From  the  first  the  Fa- 
thers contended  tliat  the  missionaries  stood  to  the 
Indians  in  loco  parentis^  and  therefore  had  exclusive 
control  of  them  and  their  property.  "The  standard 
position  of  all  the  missionaries  was  that  the  Indians 
were  absolute  owners  of  the  soil  and  all  the  mission 
property,  but  that  they  were  still  children  requiring 
parental  control,  and  that  the  missionaries  alone 
were  qualified  to  exercise  that  control."   (5) 

For  this  reason  the  Fathers  made  strenuous  efForts 
to  secure  for  their  wards  what  of  rigiit  belonged  to 
them.  The  land  belonged  to  tlie  Indians,  they  stead- 
fastly claimed,  and  should  be  turned  over  to  them 
only  when  they  were  capable  of  taking  care  of  it 
themselves.  AVhen  that  time  was  at  hand  no  one  was 
capable  to  decide  except  their  guardians,  the  mis- 
sionaries. Doubtless  the  Fatliers  in  the  Pimerias  took 
the  same  stand,  tliough  there  is  no  record  extant  of 
their  missions  or  the  steps  they  took  after  the  decree 
passed.  There  conduct  in  this  matter  may  be  easily 
concluded  from  the  action  of  the  California  Fathers. 

However,  the  motives  which  urged  the  cliange  at  a 
time  when  the  Indians  were  entirely  unprepared  for 
the  measure,  were  otlier  than  those  assigned  by  the 
government.  "Beneath  these  specious  pretexts,"  says 
Dwinelle  in  his  Colonial  History,  "was,  undoubtedly, 
a  perfect  understanding  between  the  government  at 
Mexico  and  the  leading  men  in  California,  that  in 
such  a  condition  of  things  the  supreme  government 
might  absorb  the  Pious  Fund,  under  the  pretense 
that  it  was  no  longer  necessary  for  missionary  pur- 
poses, and  thus  had  reverted  to  the  State  as  a  quasi 
escheat;    while     the    co-actors     in    California    sliould 

(5)    The  Franciscans  in  Calif.,  153;  260.  Banc.  Hist.  Cal.  II.  4ai;  III,  309-310. 


'^appropriate-'  the  local  wealth  of  the  missions  by  a 
rapid  and  sure  process  of  administering  their  tempo- 
ralities." ((5)  It  was  for  this  reason  the  arguments  of 
the  Fathers  were  without  avail :  they  were  arguing 
with  men  whose  aim  was  plunder. 

After  an  unexplained  delay  of  seven  years,  the 
l-oyal  confirmation  of  the  decree  of  secularization  was 
published  by  Viceroy  Venadito  on  January  20th, 
1821.  The  news  was  at  once  forwarded  by  the  Fr. 
Guardian  of  the  monastery  of  San  Fernando,  Mexico, 
to  Fr.  Payeras,  the  prefect  of  the  California  missions, 
with  instructions  to  comply  at  once  with  the  require- 
ments of  the  decree  by  surrendering  the  administra- 
tion of  the  temporalities  to  the  government,  but  to 
insist  on  exact  inventories  and  other  requisite  form- 
alities. 

He  was  also  to  notify  the  Bishop  that  the  Fathers 
were  ready  to  give  up  the  missions  as  soon  as  de- 
manded. Accordingly,  in  July  he  notified  Governor 
Sola  that  the  missionaries  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of 
being  free  to  engage  in  new  spiritual  conquests,  or 
to  seek  retirement  at  their  college.  A  similar  notice 
was  sent  to  the  Bishop  of  Sonora,  and  a  correspond- 
ing notice  was  forwarded  to  all  the  missionaries. 

''In  the  communications  of  the  Fr.  Guardian  and 
the  Fr.  Prefect,"  says  Bancroft,  "there  appears  no 
word  of  protest,  no  complaint,  but  only  joy  as  at 
relief  from  a  burden.''  ....  "In  his  letter  to  the  Fa- 

(0)    Qloeson,  II,  118.  "TLe  drcirc  ordpiinp  lliis  crnnmrrcfs  tin  followm 

"Tlifl  C6rtos  Gonornl  nnd  Extiiiordiiinry,  cnnsidorinR  that  the  rpdiiction  of 
common  Innd  to  private  pri^perty,  ip  ono  of  the  mcnsure.i  most  imperiou,'- 
ly  demanded  fof  the  welfare  of  the  pueblos,  nnd  tlio  improvement  of  n> 
Kriculture   nnd  industry,    and  wishinp  at   tlie   laamo  time    to   derive    from 

this  Cl;us8  of  land  AID  To  RELIEVE  ThE  PtBLIC  N15CE8SIT1ES,  A  REWARD 
To  THE  WORTHY    DEFENDERS  OB"    THE     COUNTRY,    AND  RELIEF    TO  THE    CITl" 

feENS  NOT  PROPRIETORS,  decree,  etc.,  without  prejudice  to  the  foreRoinK 
provisions,  ono  half  of  the  vacant  land  and  lands  belonKiuK  to  the  royal 
patrimony  of  the  monarcliy,  except  the  suburbs  of  the  pueblos,  is  hereby 
reserved,  to  be  in  whole  or  in  part,  as  may  bo  deemed  necessary,  hypo- 
thecated for  the  PATMENT  OF  THE  NATIONAL  DEBT,   ETC."        (GleeSOH.   Hit. 

Cath;  Cliurcli  in  Califi,  Vol.  II,  113. 


CHURCH   AT   PHCENIX,    ARIZONA. 


o 

DC 
a, 

H 

< 

> 

H 

2 
D 

O 

o 

z 

< 
o 

o 

< 

h 


•  -  id9  - 

tilers,  Fr.  Payeras  exhorts  them  to  have  all  in  read- 
iness, both  temporal  and  spiritual,  so  as  to  reply 
M'ith  sonorous  voice  to  the  first  lawful  call,  whether 
ecclesiastical  or  political,  Domlne^  ecce  adsum.''''  (7) 

In  ]821  Mexico  declared  itself  independent  of 
Spain  and  established  a  government  of  its  own.  The 
Fathers  in  Caliiornia  all  took  the  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  new^  uovernment,  and  very  likely  the  Fathers 
in  Sonora  did  the  same.  The  government  Avas  over- 
thrown, however,  and  another  established  to  which 
the  majority  of  the  Fathers  refused  to  swear  alle- 
giance. Like  Fr.  President  Durau  they  declared  that 
they  were  tired  of  taking  so  many  oaths,  when  oaths 
seemed  to  have  become  mere  playthings,  "I  ofl'er," 
he  wrote  "an  oath  to  do  nothing  against  the  estab- 
lished government,  and  if  this  be  not  accepted,  I 
am  resigned  to  the  penalty  of  expatriation  which  the 
constitution  imposes.''   (8) 

What  action  the  Fathers  in  Sonora  took  is  not 
known;  but  it  seems  all  declined  the  oath  and  were 
expelled,  at  least  there  is  no  mention  of  a  Francis- 
can in  Arizona  or  Pimeria  Alta  after  1824.  With 
their  departure  also  departed  the  prosperity  of  the 
missions. 


CIIAPTEK    III. 


San  Xavier  Del  Bac— Bishop  Bovkc.ade's  Anxiety  And  Genei^oI's  Of- 
fer—Phoenix  Accepted— FiRKT  Fatiierh  And  Bkotheks— History  Oi" 
St.  Mary's— Improvements— CnANGE8-=\VoRK  Of  The  Fathers. 

The  Indians  of   San  Xavier  del  Bac   were  thus   left 

(7)  Ban's..  Hist.  Cal    II,  432-4:«;     Franciscan.s  in  California,  152. 

(8)  Franciscans  iu  California,  156  i    Banc.  Hist.  Cul.  Ill,  7i  16-19  j  87. 


—  200  - 

to  themselves  until  the  arrival  of  the  Very  Rev.  J. P. 
Machebeuf.  The  ecclesiastical  authorities,  however, 
could  barely  provide  for  the  needs  of  the  Mexicans 
and  immigrants  from  the  States,  so  that  much  to 
their  regret  little  could  be  done  for  the  Tapagos  be- 
yond saying  Mass  occasionally  at  the  old  church.  Nat- 
urally, ignorance  and  immorality  resulted  from  half 
a  century's   want  of  instruction  and  guidance. 

Among  the  Bishops  of  Arizona  the  Rt.  Rev.  R. 
Bourgade  above  all  keenly  felt  the  condition  of  the 
thousands  of  Indians  under  his  jurisdiction,  and  lie 
made  every  effort,  for  a  long  time  in  vain,  to  en- 
list some  zealous  jjriests  or  religious  in  their  be- 
half. Thus  in  the  fall  of  1886  his  lordship  offered 
Mission  San  Xavier  del  Bac  to  the  Franciscans 
through  the  writer,  while  the  latter  was  staying  at 
Fort  Yuma  for  his  health.  As  a  further  inducement 
the  Bishop  offered  to  give  $4,000  in  money  and  a 
Mexican  parish  besides  by  means  of  which  the  Fath- 
ers could  establish  and  maintain  themselves  for  some 
3'ears.  This  was  a  most  generous  offer,  as  it  deprived 
the  Bishop  of  his  entire  income. 

The  writer  was  willing  to  undertake  the  task,  but 
owing  to  the  scarcity  of  Fathers  the  earnest  desire  of 
the  good  Bishop  to  have  the  Franciscan  Fathers  in 
Arizona  could  not  be  gratified  until  nine  years  later. 
At  his  urgent  request  the  Very  Rev.  Michael  Rich- 
ardt,  O.  F.  M.,  provincial  of  the  Province  of  the  Sa- 
cred Heart,  towards  the  close  1895  at  last  accepted 
St.  Mary's  congregation  at  Phoenix,  (1)  and  with  it 
the  care  of  the  Pima,  Maricopa,  and  other  Indian 
tribes.  Fr.  Seraphin  Lampe  of  Fruitvale,  California, 
was  appointed  superior,  and  Fr.  Jose  Godyol  of  Pa- 
jaro,  Cal.,  was  made  assistant.  Both  arrived  on  Jan- 
uary 12th,  1896.  Two  weeks  later  Fr.  Novatus  Benzing 
of     St.    Louis    was    added    to     the     community     and 

(1)    Phoenix  is  about  130  milos  northwest  of  Mission  San  Xavier  del  Bac. 


b* 


MOST     REV.     P.      BOURGADE. 


—  201  — 

reached  Phoenix  witli  Brothers  Ildefons  Lethert  and 
Robert  Kechsteiner. 

The  congregation  of  tlie  Immaculate  Heart  of 
Mar}^  composed  of  Mexicans  and  English  speaking 
Catholics,  was  founded  in  188J.  The  iirst  church  was 
erected  in  the  same  year  under  the  direction  of  l>ev. 
Ed.  Gerard,  the  parish  priest  of  Florence.  The  new- 
structure  was  blessed  on  June  24th  of  the  same  year 
by  the  Rt.  Rev.  J.  B.  Salpointe,  Vicar  Apostolic  of 
Arizona,  assisted  by  Rev'ds.  Fr.  Gerard,  Deraches 
of  Trescott,  Chancot  of  Yuma,  and  A.  Jouvenceau  of 
Tucson.  Before  the  advent  of  the  Franciscans  St. 
Mary's  was  in  charge  of  Rev.  Gerard  from  its  foun- 
dation to  1883;  Rev.  Joseph  Bloise  from  1883  to 
188G;  and  Rev.  F.  X.  Jouvenceau  from  ISm  to  1895. 
The  latter  had  as  assistants  the  Rev.  P.  Timmermans, 
and  from  1892  to  1895  the   Rev.  M.  A^andermaesen. 

Soon  after  the  arrival  of  the  Fathers  in  1795  the 
old  adobe  church  proved  much  too  small  and  unsuit- 
able for  its  purpose.  Under  the  direction  of  Brother 
Adrian  Wiewer,  the  provincial  architect,  and  at 
the  hands  of  Brothers  Eugene  and  Ildefons  the 
old  structure  before  long  assumed  quite  a  different 
and  more  agreeable  appearance.  A  vaulted  ceiling 
was  put  in  early  in  1897,  the  roof  repaired,  and  a 
new  floor  laid.  Two  new  altars,  a  communion  railing, 
and  other  needed  furniture  were  added  during  the 
summer.  A  new  brick  foundation  gave  the  building 
solidity,  and  a  new  sacristy  supplied  a  long-felt 
want.  The  dwelling  which  received  the  Fathers  on 
their  arrival  consisted  of  two  small  adol)e  buildings 
besides  a  small  brick  house  containing  two  rooms. 
Early  in  1897  a  convent  for  the  community  was 
erected,  according  to  plans  prepared  by  Br.  Adrian, 
at  a  cost  of  $1U,000. 

A  new  school  house  of  brick  for  the  Mexican 
children  completed  the  material  work  of   the   Fathers 


—  L'Ol'  — 

iit  Phoenix  for  the  year  1897.  The  erection  of  this 
febliool  biiihling  was  one  of  the  greatest  needs  of  the 
parish  of  St.  Mary's.  The  poverty  of  the  Mexicans 
here  is  so  extreme  and  their  ignorance  so  surpris- 
ing, that  most  of  tliem  scarcely  know  wliat  is  ne- 
cessary '"necessitate  praecepti  ad  salutem."  The  re- 
sult is  that  mnny  lead  bad  lives,  and  that  the  pas- 
tbral  w(>rk  of  the  Fathers  among  them  is  very  diffi- 
cult and  discouraging. 

Ih  July  189G  Fr.  Sernphin  Lahipe  was  transferred 
to  Pajaro,  Calif.,  wheii  Fr.  Novatus  Benzing  succeed' 
ed  to  the  office  of  superior  a:'d  rector  of  the  parish. 
Oil  account  of  age  and  ill  health  Fr.  Jos^  Godyol  re- 
turned to  California,  and  was  succeeded  by  Fr.  Sev- 
eriii  Westhoif  of  St.  Louis,  Mo.  In  October  of  the 
same  year  Fr.  Albau  Schwarze  of  St.  Louis  was  also 
statioaed  at  Phoenix.  Towards  the  end  of  November 
1896  the  A'ery  Pev.  Commissary  Provincial  for  Cali- 
fornia, Fr.  Clementin  Deymann,  arrived  at  St.  Mary's 
11  the  hope  of  recovering  his  health;  but  he  expired 
a  few  days  later,  a  victim  to  Bright's  disease.  His 
remains  were  brought  to  Sta  Barbara,  Cal.   (2) 

In  order  to  arouse  the  people  to  a  sense  of  their 
duties,  two  Paulist  Fathers  from  San  Francisco, 
Ilev'ds  Clark  and  Doherty,  were  invited  to  conduct  a 
mission  for  non-Catholics  at  the  opera  house  from 
January  17-23,  and  another  for  Catholics  at  the 
church  from  the  21-31;  but  owing  to  the  astonishing 
religious  indifference  of  the  people  the  missions  re- 
sulted in  little  permanent  good. 

In  1807  the  'Catholic  Social  Union'  was  establislied 
for  the  purpose  of  vritlidrawing  the  people  from  sin- 
ful amusements  by  oireiing  them  ojiportunities  of 
entertaining  and  amusing  themselves  in  a  Christian 
Inanner.  The  society  meets  at  'St.  Anthony's  Hall,' 
en  tlie  second  floor  of  the    Mexican  Catholic  school. 

(2)     Soe  '"Franciscans  iu  Califuruia,"  pages  401-163. 


—  f>03  — 

The  Sisters'  academy  on  Monroe  and  4th  Streets, 
having  been  built  originally  by  and  for  the  parish 
under  the  direction  of  the  secular  priests  preceding 
the  Franciscans,  was  utilized  by  the  Sisters  of  Mercy 
until  the  summer  of  1898,  when  it  was  again  turned 
over  to  the  parish.  The  congregation  of  St.  Mary's 
shouldered  the  debts  and  rave  the  Sisters  two  build- 
ing lots  situated  on  Monroe  and  4th  Streets  towards 
the  east. 

During  the  past  two  years  some  changes  occurrc  d 
among  the  Brothers  stationed  at  Phoenix.  Br.  llde- 
fons  was  transferred  to  Santa  Barbara  in  the  begin- 
ning of  July  1897.  Br.  Erasmus  replaced  him  until 
December  when  he,  too,  was  sent  to  California.  Br. 
liobert  was  called  to  Watsonville,  Calif.,  and  his 
place  was  filled  by  Br.  Anthony  Huolsbring  during 
the  latter  part  of  1897.  Br,  Frederic  Zeller  arrived 
in  October  of  the  same  year. 

In  the  beginning  of  June  1897  the  Very  Rev.  Louis 
Haverbeck,  O.  F.  M.,  of  Cincinnati,  O.,  held  the  ca- 
nonical visitation  at  the  convent;  and  on  September 
1st  the  Very  Rev.  Kilian  SchlcBsser,  O.F.M-,  Commis- 
sary Provincial  for  the  Commissariat  of  Califcrnia, 
which  includes  Phoenix,  arrived  here  on  his  wtiy 
from  St.  Louis,  where  he  had  attended  the  chni - 
ter.  He  again  called  upon  the  community  for  the 
purpose  of  holding  the  annual  visitation  in  Novcm- 
bar  1898.  The  Very  Rev.  Fr.  Theodora  Arentz,  Minis- 
ter  Provincial  of  the  Province  of  the  Snored  Heart, 
paid  the  community  a  visit  on  his  way  to  California 
in  the  same  year. 

The  Fathers  practically  have  charge  of  entire  Mar- 
icopa County,  in  which  besides  Phoenix  they  attend 
Tempe,  Mesa,  Buckey,  Gila  Bend,  Wickenburg,  San- 
to Domingo,  and  Fort  McDowell,  together  with  the 
various  Indian  tribes  of  Pimas,  Pdpagos,  and  Mari' 
copas.  These  tribes  have  been  visited  by  the  Father^ 
more  than  a  century  ago,    as  may  be   seen   from    the 


-  ^04  — 

pl'eceding  pages.  The  Catholics  at  Tenlpe  on  the  Salt- 
lliver  are  visited  every  two  weeks.  At  this  place  a 
little  school  was  erected  early  in  1898  for  the  Mex- 
ican children. 

For  the  Pima  liidians  at  Santa  Cruz,  about  fifteen 
miles  southwest  of  Phoenix,  a  church  was  built  in 
the  summer  of  189?  aiid  placed  under  the  patronage 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  A  small  schoolhouse  and 
dwelling  for  the  teacher  are  in  course  of  building 
near  the  church  for  the  Pimas.  The  missions  are 
visited  at  intervals  by  Fr.  Severin. 

The  most  important  station  outside  of  Phoenix  is 
I'empe.  As  early  as  March  10th,  1889,  a  little  church 
Was  blessed  there  by  the  Rt.  Kev.  Vicar  Apostolic 
and  dedicated  to  Our  Lady  of  Mt.  Carmel.  Since  the 
Fathers  took  cliarge,  the  building  was  renovated  and 
a  dwelling  for  the  priest  erected.  The  cemetery  ad- 
joining the  church  was  removed  to  a  tract  of  land 
outside  the  town.   (3) 


CHAPTER  IV. 


The  Moquis— Various  Efforts  To  Christianize  Them— Their  Stubborn- 
ness—Their Misfortunes— The  Navajos— Rt.  Rev.  J.  A.  Stephan— 
Rev.  Mother  Katharine— Founding  Of  The  Navajo  Mission— The 
First  Fathers— Prospects. 

While  the  Indians  of  Pimeria  Alta,  or  southern 
Arizona,  were  more  or  less  submissive  to  the  mis- 
sionaries, the  natives  of  the  region  north  of  the  Gila 
River,  sometimes  called  Moqui,  (1)  after  the  year 
1680  remained  stubbornly  insensible  to  all  missionary 
efforts.   The   principal    reason   probably    was   that   the 


(3)  See  "Franciscans  in  California,"  491-492,      (1)    See  page  26,  this  work. 


—  205  — 

mi3sionaries  were  too  mncli  subject  to  the  whims  of 
civil  and  militaiy  officers,  so  that  gradually  they 
shared  in  the  hatred  with  which  the  Indians  regard- 
ed the  soldiers. 

The  Moqiiis,  in  particular,  persistently  refused  to 
submit  to  Spanish  rule.  Governor  Martinez  of  New 
Mexico,  in  August  1716,  marched  to  the  Moqui  coun- 
try with  sixty-eight  soldiers  accompanied  by  Fathers 
Antonio  Camargo  and  Domingo  Araos.  Fr.  Camargo 
at  the  time  was  the  custos  of  the  Franciscan  pro- 
vince of  New  Mexico.  Some  of  the  Moquis  seemed 
willing  to  submit,  but  the  people  of  Gualpi  (2)  re- 
fused. The  expedition  therefore  returned  to  Santa  Fe 
on  October  8th  without  having  effected  anything.  (3) 

In  1724  Fathers  Miranda  and  Irazabel  visited  the 
Moqui  district,  and  obtained  what  they  considered 
favorable  assurances  for  the  future;  and  in  1730-1731 
Fathers  Francisco  Archundi  and  Jose  Narvaez  \''al- 
verde  seem  to  have  had  a  like  experience.  Some 
time  previous  Fr.  Francisco  Techungui  had  entered 
Moqui  and  brought  away  five  Tiguas  to  Isleta  with- 
out being  moles  ted.  This  shows  that  when  the  mis- 
sionaries were  at  liberty  to  deal  with  the  natives 
alone,  they  were  successful  as  a  rule.  The  Moquis  had 
no  objections  to  Christianity  itself,  provided  it  left 
them  independent  of  the  Spaniards.   (4) 

In  1742  Fathers  Delgado  and  Ignacio  Pino  went  to 
the  Moqui  towns,  and  succeeded  in  bringing  away 
441  apostate  Tiguas,  who  before  the  great  revolt  had 
lived  in  the  pueblos  of  Sandia,  Alameda,  and  Pajari* 
to,  New  Mexico.   (5) 

In  1743,  and  again  in  1744,  the  Fathers  desired  to 
enter  the  Moqui  towns,  but  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico  refused  to  give  the  required  permission.  In 
the  following  year,  1745,  however,  Fathers  Delgado, 
Irigoyen,    and    Juan    Jose    Toledo    obtained    the     re- 

(■i)    Volpl.       (3)    Bancroft,   Hist,  New  Mexico,  231;     Halnea,  New  Meslcoi 
M5i  118.       H)    Banc.,  UUt,  N,  M..  WQ,       (?)    Bane  'mZii, 


—  206  — 

quired  license.  With  an  escort  of  80  Indians  under 
ail  ex-soldier  they  visited  the  Moqui  villages,  and 
counted  10,8-iG  Indians  -who  gladly  listened  to  their 
instructions.   (6) 

In  1755  Fr.  Rodriguez  de  la  Torre,  witli  a  small 
party  of  neophytes,  visited  the  Moqui  towns.  He  was 
well  received  and  permitted  to  preach.  As  usual, 
whenever  the  masses  showed  any  sign  of  yielding  to 
the  persuasion  of  the  missionaries,  some  chief  would 
rise  and  with  his  authority  put  to  naught  the 
priest's  elforts  by  an  address  in  whicli  lie  would  de- 
clare the  Fathers  to  be  good  men,  but  his  people 
were  too  old  and  sensible  to  become  the  slaves  of 
the  alcaldes.  (7) 

In  June  1775,  or  possibly  1771,  Fr.  Escalante  spent 
ei"-bt  days  in  the  Moqui  towns  endeavoring  to  lind  a 
road  from  New  Mexico  to  the  missions  on  the  Paci- 
fic coast-  He  reported  to  the  governor  of  New  Mexi- 
co and  gave  a  description  of  the  pueblos.  He  found 
7  191  souls,  two  thirds  of  whom  were  at  Oraibe  in 
seven  pueblos  on  three  separate  mesas.  The  Moquinos 
were  well  disposed,  but  their  chiefs  had  determined 
not  to  give  up  their  power. 

With  a  party  of  nine,  including  Fr.  Francisco  A. 
Domin^-uez,  in  177G  he  endeavered  to  reach  Monte- 
rey California,  but  instead  arrived  at  Utah  Luke. 
Thev  were  the  iirst  white  men  to  enter  that  region. 
Scarcity  of  food  forced  them  back  to  Santa  F6  by 
wav  of  Moqui.  Tlie  Moquinos  furnished  food  and 
shelter,  but  refused  to  become  Christians,  much  less 
Spauisli  subjects.   (8) 

Fr.  Garces,  as  we  have  seen,  (9)  reached  the  Mo- 
qui in  July  1776,  but  they  would  neither  admit   him, 


iQ\     Bancroft,  Hist.  Nyw  Mexico,  216;      See    'Franciscans  in  New  Mexico.' 

(7)  Mi'ncroft,  Hi-t.  Arizona,  2.'i(i.  Tlio  Fattier  li-ard  a  curious  .story  there, 
tliat  tlie  Moqnls  h>\d  a  board  on  wliirh  tliey  liad  made  one  mark  each 
voiiv  since  the  ro^•olt  of  lOiSO;  wlion  tlio  hoard  should  bo  covered  with 
miirk,",   thev  would  submit  to  CluiNtianlty. 

(8)  Ujncrnft  2G2;     "FriuicUcnnH  In  Now  Meslco.        (fJ)    Vldo  Chtipter  IX, 


—  L'07  — 

nor  listen  to  him,  nor  wpuld  they  offer  liim  food.  The 
attempt  to  stiirve  poor  Fr.  Garces  away  from  llieir 
country  Avas  visited  upon  the  Moquis  1hem'?.elves. 
A  failure  of  crops  only  a  few  years  later  reduced 
the  people  to  such  straits  that  in  AujAUst  ITSO  forty 
families  ofl'ered  to  mijrrate  to  New  Mexico,  if  tho 
Governor  Avould  come  in  person  to  hrinj>;  tliem.  An/.a 
started  in  kSeptember  1780  with  Fathers  Fernandez 
and  Garcia,  and  visited  all  tlie  towns,  two  ol'  whicli 
were  completely  al_)andoned.  Tlie  forty  families  had 
been  forced  by  hunir;er  fifteen  days  before  to  Jio  to 
the  Navajo  country,  where  the  men  had  been  killed 
and  tlie  women  and  children  seized  as  slaves.  ]\[oqui 
affairs  were  indeed  in  a  sad  condition.  Only  7C8 
were  left  of  the  7,494  souls  Fr.  Escalante  had  found 
in  1775.  No  rain  had  fallen  in  three  yean^>,  and  in 
that  time  deaths  had  numbered  6,()98.  Of  30,000 
sheep  300  remained,  and  there  Avere  but  live  horses 
and  no  cattle.  Only  500  fanegas  (10)  of  maize  and 
beans  could  be  expected  from  the  coming  crop.  Fes- 
tilence  had  aided  famine  in  the  deadly  Avork,  and 
the  raids  from  the  Yutas  and  Navajos  had  never 
ceased,  so  that  some  of  tlie  people  themselves 
believed  their  misfortunes  a  judgement  for  the  treat^ 
inent   ofFr.  Garc6s  four  years  previous. 

Despite  this  sad  state  of  affairs,  the  chief  at  Orni-- 
be  haughtily  declined  a  load  of  provisions  to  relieve 
immediate  Avants,  as  he  had  nothing  to  oiler  in  re^ 
turn.  He  refused  to  listen  to  the  Fathers,  and  in  re- 
ply to  Arza's  exhortations  declared  that  as  liis  na^ 
tion  was  apparently  doomed  to  annihilation,  the  few 
Avho  remained  Avere  resolved  to  die  in  tlieir  homes 
and  in  their  own  faith.  Yet  his  subjects  Avere  free 
to  go  and  become  Chris<-ians ;  and  finally  thirty  fanii^ 
lies  were  induced  to  depart  Avith  the  Spaniards  ii;  = 
eluding  the  chief  of  Gunlpi.    (1J) 

(10;    FuneRa — about   one  I  ui^he'i 

(Jl)     rianc,    Iliht.    Now    Mi  xicQ  nnd  Arluonn     2Cri-SCC|      Ilnliu's,    110, 


—  208  — 

The  Navajos  (12)  attracted  still  more  attention 
than  the  Moqiiinos.  Fathers  Delgado  and  Irigoyen 
started  in  March  1744  by  way  of  Jemes,  New  Mexi- 
co, for  the  Navajo  country.  They  found  ahout  4,000 
Indians  who  were  apparently  eager  to  become  Chris 
tians  and  receive  missionaries.  The  viceroy  accord- 
ingly authorized  the  founding  of  four  missions  in 
the  Navajo  country  under  the  protection  of  a  garri- 
son of  thirty  men.  This  Avas  in  1746.  Fr.  Menchero, 
the  visitador,  took  up  the  plan  with  much  zeal.  He 
visited  the  gentiles  in  person,  and  by  means  of  pre- 
sents and  promises  induced  live  or  six  hundred  to 
return  with  Jiim  and  settle  temporarily  at  Cebolleta 
in  the  Acoma  region;  but  nothing  came  of  all  the 
great   plans.   (13) 

In  this  condition,  independent  of  all  Christian  in- 
fluence, the  Navajos  remained  down  to  recent  years. 
It  is  true,  some  years  ago  two  Protestant  ministers 
opened  a  "mission"  at  Fort  Defiance  for  the  Nava- 
jos, but  despairing  of  ever  mastering  their  singularly 
ditficult  language,  tliey  limit  tlieir  ministrations  to 
preaching    to    the    children    in    the    non-sectarian  (?) 

(12)  "The  Navajo,  since  first  known  to  liistory,  liavo  occupied  the  country 
on  and  south  of  the  San  .Juan  River  in  nortliern  New  Mexico  and  Arizo- 
na extending  into  Colorado  and  Utali.  They  w-ere  surrounded  on  all 
sides  by  the  cognate  Apaches,  except  upon  the  north,  where  they  meet 
Shoshonoan  tribes."  Scventli  Annual  Report,  Bureau  of  Ethnology,  page 
54. 

Tlie  name  "'Navajo''  is  undoubtly  of  Spanish  origin.  It  is  generally 
supposed  to  be  derived  from  tlie  Spanisli  word  "nav.AJA,"  which  means 
clasp-knife,  and  to  liave  been  applied,  because  the  navajo  warriors  car- 
ried great  stone  knives.  According  to  Salpointe,  page  61,  it  means  "large 
family."  They  call  themselves  Dine,  which  means  men  or  people;  they 
belong   to  the    Apache    stock 

(13)  Banc.  247-248.  According  to  Salpointe,  page  102,  two  missions  were 
actually  established  in  17tG  wliile  Don  Auza  was  Governor.  These  were  Se- 
villeta  and  Encinal,  distant  twelve  leagues  from  each  other,  and  five  or 
six  leagues  from  tlio  old  missions  of  Acoma  and  Laguna,  along  the  Cabe- 
ro  River.  The  missions  were  very  promising  when,  on  June  24th,  1750,  the 
Indians  deserted  and  returned  to  tlieir  old  haunts,  leaving  tlie  vestments 
in    clxirgo  of  tlie  Laguna  mission.  (State  Archives,  No.  852.) 

For  further  particulars  regardinB  the  Navnjo  and  Moqui  reRJons,  which 
were  attended  by  the  Fntlier*  of  Now  Mfsico.  soa  "PrB«pjscnniJ  in  Ntiw 
Mexico," 


FR.    RAPHAEL   HESSE,   O.    F.    M. 


—  200  — 

government  seliool  at  that  place.  Hence  only  a  few 
children  living  outside  the  reservation  among  Catho- 
lics have  Ijeon  baptized.  As  i'ar  as  conld  be  ascer- 
tained, these  are  the  only  l)aptized  C'iiristians  of  that 
numerous  tril)e. 

It  was  again  Bishop  llourgade  wliose  efforts  for 
the  Indians  brought  the  means  of  salvation  to  the 
very  door  of  the  Navajo  country.  At  his  solicitation 
the  Catholic  Indian  Bureau,  Washington,  D.  C,  be- 
came interested  in  their  cause.  The  resiilt  was  that 
on  October  28th,  1895,  the  well  known  Director  of 
the  Bureau,  Bt.  Bev.  Monsignor  J.  A.  Stephan,  pur- 
chased IGO  acres  of  land  at  a  place  called  Cienega 
Amarillo,  outside  the  reservatioii,  in  order  to  estab- 
lish a  Catholic  mission  for  the  NaVajos,  The  incipient 
mission  is  situated  a  quarter  of  a  mile  south  of  the 
Navajo  Indian  Beserve,  27  miles  northwest  of  Gallup, 
New  Mexico,  the  nearest  railroad  station  on  the  San- 
ta Fe  Boute,  eight  miles  south  of  Fort  Defiance, 
Apache  Co.,  Arizona,  and  45  miles  from  Ft.  Wingate. 
The  purchase  was  made  at  the  direction  of  the  Bev. 
Mother  Katherine  Drexel,  foundress  of  the  Sisters  of 
the  Blessed  Sacrament  for  the  Conversion  of  Indiana 
and  Negroes,  whose  motherhouse  is  at  Maud  B.  (),, 
Ba.  Thereupon  Bt.  Bev.  Stephan  and  Bev.  Mother  Ka- 
tharine petitioned  the  Franciscan  Fathers  of  the  Bro- 
vince  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  Cincinnati,  to  accept 
this  difficult  but  most  promising  missionary  field.  At 
a  meeting  of  the  definitors  held  at  Cincinnati  on 
Oct.  13th,  1897,  the  Very  Bev.  Brovincial  Baphael 
Hesse  presiding,  the  mission  for  the  Navajos  was 
unanimously  accepted.  At  the  chapter,  held  on  July 
26Mi,  1898,  Fathers  Juvenal  Schnorbus  and  Anselm 
Weber,  together  with  Brother  Blacidus  Buerger, 
were  selected  from  among  a  number  of  volunteers  to 
pave  the  way  for  future  spiritual  conquests  in  north- 
ern Arizona. 

There    was    an    incomplete    stone    building    on    the 


—  210  — 

proposed  mission  site,  but  in  no  condition  to  receive 
a  religious  community.  Fr.  Juvenal  was,  therefore, 
sent  out  to  Arizona  on  August  8d,  in  order  to  finish 
the  structure,  and  make  arrangements  for  the  re- 
ception of  the  missionaries.  This  was  not  a  pleasant 
Task,  as  the  material  had  to  be  brought  up  from 
Gallup,  New  Mexico,  a  distance  of  27  miles.  The 
transportation  cost  much  more  than  the  material  it- 
self. Nor  were  expert  laborers  abundant  or  willing. 
The  work  was  at  last  brought  under  way,  when  Fr. 
Juvenal  returned  to  Cincinnati. 

On  October  3d  the  three  seraphic  pioneers  left  the 
mother-house  on  the  Ohio  River,  and  turned  their 
faces  w^estward.  They  arrived  at  Gallup  on  the  morn- 
ing of  October  Tth,  and  towards  evening  entered 
their  future  home.  The  chapel  was  blessed  on  Octc- 
ber  9th,  and  dedicated,  like  the  whole  mission,  to 
the  prince  of   angels,   St.    Michael. 

Unfortunately  very  few  of  the  Indians  understand 
any  other  than  their  own  tongue,  hence  for  some 
time  the  principal  hardship  of  the  Fathers  will  be 
the  learning  of  the  Indian  language,  a  most  weari- 
some task,  as  the  language  has  yet  to  be  construct- 
ed, for  there  are  no  Navajo  books  to  consult.  It 
is  the  only  way,  however,  to  do  effective  work  and 
gain  the  confidence  of  the  natives.  Realizing  this 
condition  of  things,  the  Fathers  in  the  Navajo  mis- 
sion have  entered  heart  and  soul  into  the  work  of 
hastening  the  time  of  their  usefulness  by  collecting 
words  and  constructing  a  dictionary  together  with  a 
grammar.  After  nine  months  of  energetic  efforts  they 
have  gathered  as  many  as  three  thousand  words. 

MeanAvhile  an  old  log  cabin  has  been  fitted  up  to 
receive  a  limited  number  of  boys  for  the  purpose  of 
education.  The  intention  is  to  begin  mission  w^ork 
with  the  little  ones.  For  this  reason  Rev.  Mother 
Katharine  has  resolved  to  erect  a  large  boarding 
school,    and  place  it  in   charge  of  her  Sisters. 


—  211  — 

In  this  work  the  Fathers  and  Sisters  have  one  ad- 
vantage over  the  missionaries  of  old  :  They  are  inde- 
pendent of  civil  or  military  chicanery,  the  bane  of 
the  old  Spanish  missions,  since  the  new  convent  is 
situated  outside  the  Indian  Reservation. 

Mission  San  Miguel  de  los  Navajos  comprises  the 
whole  territory  of  the  Navajo  tribe,  located  princi- 
pally in  northeastern  Arizona,  but  extending  into 
New  Mexico,  Utah,  and  Colorado.  The  reservation 
has  an  area  of  16,500  square  miles,  and  an  Indian 
population  of  about  20,500  souls,  according  to  the 
census  of  1898,  only  1,000  of  whom  wear  citizen's 
dress.  The  Navajos,  therefore,  are  the  most  numer- 
ous Indian  tribe  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  East 
of  the  Rockies  only  the  Cherokees  in  the  Indian 
Territory,  and  the  Sioux  in  the  Dakotas  can  boast  of 
greater  numbers.   (14) 

The  Moqui  reservation  joins  the  Navajo  country 
on  the  west  and  south,  and  may  be  considered  part 
of  the  district  that  fell  to  the  share  of  the  Fran- 
ciscans of  the  Province  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
Theirs  is  an  immense  field,  but  it  promises  a  rich 
harvest  if  a  sufficient  number  of  zealous  and  pru- 
dent men  are  set    to  work. 

(14)     See  Appendix  for  Indian  population  of  Arizona. 


212  — 


APPENDIX. 


Petition  of  Fr.  President  Barbastro,  and  Reply  of  Don  Pages 
R3garding  the  Marbyrs  of  the  Colorado. 

(See   Note  5,  page  151.) 

"Sr.  Teniente  Coronel  D.  Pedro   Fagez, 

Fr.  Francisco 
Antonio  Barbastro  de  la  regular  o"bservancia  de  N.  S. 
P.  S.  Francisco,  hijo  del  Colegio  de  la  Santa  Cruz  de 
Queretaro  y  Presidente  de  todos  los  misioneros  que 
diclio  Coleg'io  tiene  en  esta  Pinieria  Alta,  sabiendo 
que  V.  tiene  pasado  de  6rden  del  Sr.  Comandante 
General  D.  Teodoro  de  Croix,  Comandante  de  la  ex- 
pedicion  que  Su  Senoria  despacho  a  los  arruinadas 
Misiones  del  Kio  Colorado,  se  persuade  est^  instrui- 
do  de  todo  lo  acaecido  en  su  destruccion,  y  por  esta 
causa  comparece  en  su  non)])re  y  de  su  santo  Colegio 
ante  Vm.  y  me  dice.  Que  aunque  es  notoria  en  esta 
Primeria  Alta  la  religiosidad,  zelo  del  bien  de  las  al- 
mas y  virtuoso  proceder  (como  puede  hacerse  paten- 
te  con  repetidos  argumentos)  de  los  RR.  PP.  aposto- 
licos  e  hijos  de  mi  santo  Colegio  Fr,  Juan  Diaz,  Fr, 
Francisco  Garces,  Fr.  Jose  Matias  Moreno  y  Fr.  Juan 
Barreneche,  muertos  inhumanamente  por  los  gentiles 
y  neofitos  de  la  Nacion  Yuma,  en  cuya  conversion  es- 
taban   empleados,    necesita  una  informacion  juridica : 

1.  De  la  conducta,  zelo  y  fatigas  extraordinarias 
que  se  les  vieron  poner  para  lograr  la  conversion  de 
aquellos  gentiles,  y  el  conato  que  pusieron  para  que 
los  soldados  y  demas  espanoles  que  asistian  en  las 
Misiones,  cooperarsen  a  este  fm,  y  k  la  perseverancia 
de  los  neofitos  en  su  primitivo  fervor. 

2.  wSi  estan  libres  aun  de  ser  causa  remota  de  los 
alhorotos  que  ocasionaron  la  ruina  de  las  Misiones,  y 
si  trabajaron  cuanto  los  fue  posible  para  impedirla 
desde  que  fue  temida. 


—  213  — 

^.  Qu(5  din  y  d  que  liora  fue  sii  mnerte,  y  con  qii4 
instriimentos  les  quitaron  la  vida. 

4;  Eu  qu6  dia  se  recogieroii  siis  venerables  ceiii- 
i^as;  y  el  isstadb  eu  se  liallarbu. 

5.  Si  al  exlunuar  sus  cadaveres  se  bbservarou  al- 
gunas  circuustaucias  que  iufuudierau  devocion. 

6.  8i  se  sabeu  alguuas  otras  rircunstaucias  que 
persuadan  sea  sauta  su  muerte  delaute  del  Seiior. 

En  todo  lo  cual  recibire  favor,  y  digo,  tecto  2^ectore, 
no  ser  esta  mi  sfiplica  por  fin  alguno  siniestro.  Para 
que  conste  donde  convenga,  lo  firmo  en  este  pueblo 
de  Sta.  Teresa,  en  4  de  Febroro  de  1782. 

Fr.  Francisco  Antonio  Barhastro.  Presideute. 

En  atencion  d  la  solicitud  del  informe  que  antece- 
de  y  V.  II.  me  presenfa  con  fecha  4  de  Pebrero  del 
covriente  ano,  que  contieue  6  puutos  concernientes  k 
los  PtR.  PP.  Fr.  Juan  Diaz,  Fr.  Francisco  Garces, 
Fr.  Jose  Matias  Moreno  y  Fr.  Juan  Barreneche,  mu^ 
ertos  tiltimamente  por  los  gentiles  de  la  Nacion  Yu- 
ma, arreglado  a  las  declaraciones  bajo  de  juramento, 
y  d  lo  demas  que  he  podido  adquirir  de  algunos  cau- 
tivos  y  causa,  cuyas  diligencias  me  fueron  precisas  en 
cumplimiento  de  mi  obligacion  por  liallarme  coman- 
dando  la  expedicion,  respondo  k  los  expresados  seis 
puutos  en  la  forma  que  sigue : 

En  cuanto  al  primero  digo :  que  con  virtuoso  pro- 
ceder,  ejemplos,  modestia  y  caridad,  estaban  dedica- 
dos  dichos  religiosos  al  santo  fin  de  atraer  al  conoci- 
miento  de  la  verdadera  Ley,  la  numerosa  gentilidad 
de  aquel  establecimiento,  sin  escusar  fatiga  alguna, 
dirigi^ndose  por  los  montes  a  la  solicitud  de  todos  re- 
galandoles  cuanto  tenian,  y  que  jamds  se  vio  en  ellos 
otro  interns  que  el  fervoroso  anbelo  de  recoger  al  re- 
bano  de  la  Iglesia  a  los  que  estan  sin  conocimiento 
de  ella,  procurando  al  mismo  tiempo  que  los  solda- 
dos  y    demas  espaiioles   cooperarsen  al  mismo  fin. 

En  cuanto  al  segundo,  digo :  que  en  nada  fueron 
causantes  del  alboroto  y  ruina  de  diclias  misioncs,  ni 


—  214  — 

remotamente,  y  se  persuade  que  no  dejarian  de  coo- 
perar  con  aquel  priraitivo  fervor  apost61ico  d  impe- 
dirla. 

En  cuanto  al  tercero,  digo :  que  como  i  las  diez  de 
la  manana  del  dia  19  de  Julio  de  1781  a  palos  dieron 
muerte  d  los  IIR.  PP.  Fr.  Francisco  Garces  y  Fr. 
Juan  Barreneche ;  y  lo  mismo  ejecutaron  el  dia  17  de 
diclio,  como  a  las  ocho  de  la  niaiiana,  con  los  RR. 
PP.  Fr,  Juan  Diaz  y  Fr.  Jos^  Mutias  Moreno,  y  i  es- 
te  despues  de  muerto  le  cortaron  la  cabeza  con  una 
acha,  quedando  las  venerables  cenizas  tiradas  en  los 
mismos  sitios  que  padecieron  sacrificio. 

En  cuanto  al  cuarto,  digo :  que  los  dos  RR.  PP. 
Fr.  Juan  Diaz  y  Fr.  Jos6  Mafias  Moreno  como  i  las 
diez  de  la  manana  del  dia  7  de  Diciembre  tiUimo 
halldndose  el  cuerpo  del  R.  P.  Fr.  Juan  Diaz,  lo  que 
hace  las  coyunturas  de  todos  los  liuesos  enteros  y  la 
cabeza  casi  incompleta,  pues  se  conocio  por  el  cer- 
quillo,  que  lo  tenia  entero,  su  cabello  en  ser,  y  las 
Unas  de  las  manos  pegadas,  cuyas  seiiales  no  demos- 
traban  hacia  mucho  tiempo  que  le  dieran  muerte.  El 
cadaver  del  R.  P.  Fr.  Jos6  Matias  Moreno  se  ha  116 
con  la  cabeza  menos,  y  aunque  descoyuntados  sus  hu- 
esos  se  encontraron  todos  juntos  con  varios  pedacitos 
del  santo  hdbito  y  cordon,  como  tambien  una  cruz  de 
un  Santo  Cristo  que  sin  duda  acostumbraria  llevar 
consigo.  Los  cadaveres  de  los  RR.  PP.  Fr.  Francisco 
Garc6s  y  Fr.  Juan  Barreneche  se  encontraron  como 
d  las  diez  de  dicho  dia  7  de  Diciembre  ultimo,  los 
que  estaban  enterrados  en  el  campo  casi  incorruptos 
y  sepultados  juntos,  compuestos  en  sus  panos  meno- 
res. 

En  cuanto  al  quinto,  digo  :  segun  in.forme  del  capi- 
tan  de  caballeria  D.  Pedro  Fueros,  quien  presenci6 
que  ambos  cuerpos  estaban  casi  frescos  y  enteros,  en 
especial  el  del  R.  P.  Garces,  y  que  d  orillas  del  sitio 
donde  estaban  sepultados,  habia  nacido  mucha  man- 
zanilla  muy  olorosa,  con  la  circunstancia   de    que   los 


—  215  — 

que  asistieron  con  dicho  capitan,  aseguraron  que  no 
habian  visto  en  todas  aquellas  inmediaciones,  y  que 
segun  declaran  algunos  cautivos  y  cautivas,  una  India 
que  los  estimaha  muclio  habia  hecho  la  buena  obra 
de  enterrarlos,  dejando  por  seilal  una  cruz  pequena 
de  palo,  por  lo  que  se  conocio  el  rjitio. 

En  cuanto  al  sexto,  digo  :  segun  declaracion  de  los 
cautivos  y  cautivas,  que  cuando  el  alevoso  insulto  de 
los  gentiles,  asisti6  a  bien  morir  d  los  que  estaban 
padeciendo  sacrificio,  llamando  a  voces,  queriendolos 
confesar  y  absolver,  sin  temer  el  que  le  dieren  muev- 
te,  el  mismo  R.  P.  Fr.  Juan  Barreneche,  quien  se  les 
aparecia  y  desaparecia  (i  los  enemigos  inhumanos,  sin 
que  lograran  hacerle  dano,  hasta  que  acabaron  su  en- 
orme  atentado :  y  que  en  el  pueblo  de  S.  Pedro  y  S. 
Pablo  de  Bicuner  oyeron  cdnticos  suaves,  y  de  noclie 
les  parecia  que  andaban  en  procesion  al  contorno  de 
la  Iglesia,  en  cuyas  inmediaciones  se  hallaban  tiradas 
las  venerables  cenizas  de  los  RR.  PP.  Fr.  Juan  Diaz 
y  Fr.  Jos6  Matias  Moreno,  y  que  este  ruido  les  caus6 
temor  para  arrimarse  a  dicho  pueblo. 

Que  es  constante  como  los  cuatro  PR.  PP.  que  an- 
teceden  trabajaron  continuaniente  en  la  conversion  de 
los  gentiles  de  aquel  establecimiento,  a  fin  de  atraer- 
les  al  conocimiento  de  la  verdadera  Ley,  sin  escusar- 
se  d  salir  4  los  montes,  solicitandolos  por  las  ranche- 
rias,  regalando  les  cuanto  tenian;  y  que  el  R.  P. 
Garc6s  pas6  a  bautizar  hasta  la  nacion  de  Jalchedu- 
nes,  y  el  R.  P.  Barreneche  d  los  Cocomaricopas,  sin 
temor  del  riesgo  d  que  se  exponian,  sin  mas  interes 
que  recoger  al  rebaiio  de  la  Iglesia  aquellas  pobres 
almas.  Todo  lo  cual  certifico  sobre  las  informaciones 
que  bajo  la  formalidad  del  juramento  recibi,  como  ya 
dejo  espresado.  Y  para  que  conste  donde  convenga 
firme  en  el  Pitic  de  Caborca,  4  16  de  Febrero  de 
178'^."  (*)  Fedro  Fagez. 

(*)    Historia  del  Apostolico   Colegio  de   nuestra  Senora  do   Guadalupe  do 
Zacatecas,  por  el  presbitero  JoeC  Francisco  Sotomajor.  Zacatecas,  lb74i 


-  m 


Tlie  Colorado  River  Mission  Sites. 

(Sec  page  15S.) 

The  author  here  desires  to  correct  u  stateraeiit 
made  by  him  and  published  in  the  Catholic  Histori- 
cal Review  of  New  York  in  1886  or  1887.  While  at 
Fort  Yuma  in  1SS6  he  wislied  to  find  the  exact  spot 
where  the  Fathers  on  the  Colorado  had  perished. 
Not  having  at  hand  Arricivita's  account,  and  finding 
old  chief  Pasqual  with  his  Indians  denying  that 
there  ever  were  priests  at  Fort  Yuma,  he  addressed 
Dr.  Gilmary  Shea  regarding  the  point  in  question, 
and   received  the   following  reply: 

"The  mission  of  La  Purisima  Ooncepcion  was  at 
the  Port  of  that  name  on  the  Colorado  river  on  the 
westside.  The  mission  of  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  del 
Bicuner    was    three    leagues  noviJi  of   it. 

"Tlie  map  in  Father  Palou's  work  is  not  very 
clear;  he  makes  the  two  missions  parallel  to  a  point 
between  San  Diego  and  Santa  Barbara.  This  would 
bring  them  within  the  United  States;  but  he  puts 
them  south  of  the  Gila  which  takes  them  out." 

Thus  far  Dr.  Sliea.  The  eminent  historian  was  mis- 
taken in  declaring  that,  if  the  missions  were  south 
of  the  Gila,  they  must  have  been  beyond  the  bound- 
ary of  the  United  States. 

Dr.  Shea  also  erred  in  stating  that  San  Pedro  y 
San  Pablo  del  Bicuiier  lay  three  leagues  north  of 
Concepcion.  The  Indians  at  Yuma,  indeed,  insisted 
that  a  mission  had  been  on  tlio  hills  north  of  Yuma, 
a  distance  of  about  ten  miles.  They  knew  of  but  one, 
however.  Rev.  J.  M.  Chaucot,  for  11  years  pastor  at 
Yuma  City,  agreed  witli  them  that  the  site  of  Mis- 
sion Concepcion  was  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
ten  miles  north.  In  company  of  an  Indian,  therefore, 
the  writer  made  a  trip  on  horseback  to  the  sjjot  in- 
dicated. He  found  some  remnants  of  a   stockade   and 


-  217  - 

of  some  biiilding-s  wliicli  niio-ht  have  been  el'ectecl  at 
a  later  date  by  miners  or  immigrants  jnst  as  well. 
The  Indian  insisted  that  that  was  the  place,  and 
that  the  Mexicans  after  the  destruction  had  come  to 
find  the  gold  which  the  Fathers  were  said  to  1iave 
concealed.  This  led  to  the  report  published  in  the 
Historical  Review. 

Since  then  the  "Cronica  Serafica"  of  Arricivita 
came  into  the  possession  of  the  writer.  There  Ave  find 
the  following  statement  which  leaves  no  room  for 
doubt: 

''El  dia  once  de  Mayo  llegaron  a  el  Puerto  de  la 
Concepcion  en  el  Ivio  Colorado.  Estil  este  d  la  utra 
[i.  e.  California]  banda  del  rio,  situado  poco  mas  a- 
haxo  de  la  junta  de  los  rios,  en  unos  cerros  dc  medl- 
ana  elevaolon,  que  fornian  el  Puerto^  2)or  dorule  el  rio 
Colorado,  que  se  eMtlende  tanto  j)or  los  llanos,  j9a6^« 
muy  vecogidQ,  y  luego  vuelve  4  extender  se:  esto  lo  ha- 
ce  de  la  mas  deliciosa  vista,  muy  alegre,  y  el  mejor 
sitio  para  poblacion,  porque  esta  inmcdiato  al  rio^  y 
libre  de  svs  erecicrites,  aunque  en  su  meea  solo  cab- 
rdn  la  Iglesia  y   pocas   casas." 

"They  reached  the  Port  of  Concepcion  on  the  Co- 
lorado River  on  May  11th,  This  is  situated  on  the 
o^Aer"  (California)  "bank  of  the  river,  a  little  below 
the  junction  of  the  rivers,  on  an  elevation  of  moder- 
ate height,  which  forms  the  port  through  Avhich  the 
Colorado  river,  which  takes  sucli  a  wide  course 
through  the  land,  passes  much  narrowed,  and  soon 
resumes  its  broad  course.  It  offers  a  most  delightful 
and  pleasant  view,  and  a  better  location  for  the 
people,  because  it  is  close  to  the  river,  and  free 
from  its  overflows,  althougli  on  its  top  there  are  only 
a  church  and  a  few  houses."   (1) 

From  this  passage  it  is  clear  that  Mission  Con- 
cepcion   was   on    the     very    spot   once    occupied   by    a 

(1)    Arricivita,  467. 


garrison  of  U.  S.  soldiers  and  callod  Fort  Yuma, 
Calif.,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the  Gila  River.  It  is 
now  a  scdiool  in  charge  of  the  Sisters  of  St.  Joseph 
of  Carondelet.  (2) 

Again  on  page  503  Arricivita  says: 

"Llegaron  al  Puerto  de  la  Concepcion,  que  era  el 
parage  destinado  debde  el  principio  para  establec3r 
la  Mision  de  los  Iiidios." 

'•They   reached   the  port   of  Concepcion,  which  was 
the  spot  designated  from  the  beginning  for  establish- 
ing a  mission  among  the  Indians." 
Furthermore,  on  page  510  Arricivita  tells  us: 
"Llegaron  al  rio   Colorado,    y    vadeado   al   Puerto  de^ 
Li  Concepcion  y  primer  pueblo,'''' 

"Tlio   [soldiers]  arrived  at   the  Colorado,  and   crossed 
it  at   the  Port  of  Concepcion  and  first  pueblo  or  town. 
Again  Arricivita  declares  on  page  535: 

"Pusose  el  primero  [pueblo]  en  el  Puerto  de  la  Con- 
cepcion.''' 

"Y  fl  las  tres  leguas  distante  del  otro  se  puso  el  de  San 
Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Bicuncr.''' 

"The  first  pueblo  was  founded  at  the  Port  of  Con- 
cepcion.''''   "And  three  leagues  distant  from 

the    other   was   established  that   of   San   Pedro   y  San 
Pablo  de  Bicuner." 
The  location  of  each  is  quite  plainly  described  on  pages  503--4: 
"No    obstante   todo    lo  dicho,    trato  el    Comandante 
de   que  se  estableciera   el   segundo  pueblo   en   los   Yu- 
mas  cle  ahaxo.,  tres  legucis  distante  del  pr'imevo.,  y   .... 
se  fundo  el  de  San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo   de    Bicuner." 
"Notwithstanding   all    that    was    said,    the    Coman- 
dante   resolved    that    the    second   pueblo    among    the 
Yumas   should  be  established   leloii}.,    three  leagues  from 

the  first.,  and, thus  was  founded  that  of 

San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Bicuner." 

(2)    Sco  pvipo  152,  this  work. 


—  219 


INDIANS  IN  ARIZONA. 


{See  Note  l',,  ^ao-r   211.) 

COLORADO  RIVER  AGENCY,  YUMA  COUNTY. 

Oviojaves:  Male,  348;  female,  335;  total.  083. 

Chemebueves  in  Chemchueve  Valley,  al)out  forty  miles 
north  of  the  agency,  but  not  residing  on  the  res- 
ervation:    141.   (1) 

Mojaves,  independent.  About  Ft,  Mojave,  Arizona,  and 
Needles,  Cab,  from  80  to  125  miles  north  of  the 
agency,  dwell  the  majority  of  the  Mojaves  who  never 
could  be  induced  to  retire  to  the  reservation.  They 
number  about  1,700. 

Until  recently  no  religious  denomination  ever  at- 
tempted to  work  among  these  Indians  whose  fore- 
fathers treated  Fr.  Garces  with  such  great  kindness. 
During  the  past  two  years  an  Episcopalian  minister 
has  labored  among  them  and  baptized  125  of  the 
tribe.  The  minister  then  received  an  offer  to  work  in 
a  more  advanced  field,  and  therefore  left  the  reser- 
vation in  April  1898. 

"The  Mohaves  living  in  the  vicinity  of  Needles 
and  Fort  Mohave,  are  in  a  deplorable  condition  as  to 
morals  and  progress  toward  civilization,"  Agent  Mc 
Nichols  reported  in  August  1898.  "They  retain  the 
vices  of  a  border  railroad  and  mining  town.  Drunk- 
enness, gambling,  and  prostitution  prevail  to  a 
shocking  extent.  .  .  •  They  live  under  sheds  made  of 
sticks  in  summer,  and  in  sweathouses  or  artificial 
caves  in  winter.  When  one  of  their  number  dies  all 
his  property,  ponies,  etc.,  is  burned  along  with  the 
body.  In  addition,  relatives  sacrifice  large  amounts  of 
property,  buying  calicoes,  silks,  and  clothing  to  add 
to  the  splendor  of  the  funeral  pyre.  This    custom,    a- 


(1)    Annual  Reports,  of  tlio  Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs,  1S98,  pages  111 
and  59S. 


—  220  — 

long  with  drunkenness  and  gambling,  absorbs  all  tiie 
Indian's  earnings,  and  leaves  the  children  and  aged 
destitute."  (2)  The  same  is  true  of  the  Yumas  on 
the  Colorado  River,  and  generally  wherever  the  na- 
tives are  left  to  themselves  near  white  settlements. 
FORT  APACHE  AGENCY. 

This  agency  comprises  all  the  territory  north  of 
the  Black  River,  and  includes  the  White  Mountain 
Apaches,  Apaches:  Males,  836;  females,  1,002;  total, 
1,838,  a  gain  of  24  over  the  year  1897. 

Hualapais,  598;   Yava  Supats,  261. 

The  German  Lutherans  have  entered  tliis  reserva- 
tion and  built  a  neat  cottage  for  the  preacher  on 
ground  allotted  to  him.  The  denomination  contribut- 
ed $1,217  in  1897  for  work  among  the  Apaches,  and 
$215  for  the  Hualapais.  There  are  no  church  mem- 
bers reported.   (3) 

PIMA  AGENCY. 

There  are  four  distinct  reservations  of  Indians  of 
three  different  tribes  of  Indians  embraced  in  this 
agency.  The  largest  near  Phoenix  has  S57,120  acres 
of  land. 

Pimas:  4,260;  Maricopas:  340;  Papagos,  nomadic:  2, 
046;  Papagos  near  San  Xavier  del  Bac :  531.  Of  the 
San  Xavier  Indians  210  are  Catholics ;  they  are  visit- 
ed twice  a  month  from  Tucson.  Among  the  Pimas, 
Maricopas,  and  roving  Papagos  there  are  five  male 
and  two  female  preachers,  presumably  Presbyterians, 
at  work  at  a  cost  to  their  denominations  of  $4,100  in 
1897.  The  total  church  membership  is  only  174  souls, 
who  are  addressed  in  four  church  buildings.  For  the 
Catholic  Indians  there  are  two  churches :  one  at  San 
Xavier  del  Bac  nine  miles  from  Tucson,  and  one 
at  Santa  Cruz  fifteen  miles  southwest  of  Phoenix. 
There   are   Catholic   schools   for   the   Indians   at    both 

(2)    Annual  Reports,  page  112 ;  see  page  153,  this  work. 
(3)    Annual  Reports,  pages  115--116;  598-599. 


NAVAJO   INDIANS  IN    HOLIDAY    ATTIRE. 


—  221  — 

places.  Tlie  school  at  San  Xaxier  is  conducted  by  the 
Sisters  of  St.  Joseph  of  Oarondelet,  Mo.,  for  37  girls 
and  46  boys.   (4j 

SAN  CARLOS  AGENCV. 

Apaches:  2,806;  Mojaves:  G97;  total,  3,503.  A  Protes- 
tant preacher  of  an  unknown  denomination  is  labor- 
ing among  the  Apaches,  but  there  are  no  church 
members  on  record.    (5) 

NAVAJO    AGENCY. 

The  Navajos  number  20,500  souls.  According  to 
Annual  Report  of  1898,  two  male  and  three  female 
preachers  of  the  Methodist  persuasion  endeavor  to 
make  converts  to  their  x>eculiar  ideas ;  but  no  church 
members  are  reported. 

The  Moquis  are  2,641  strong,  and  tolerate  one  male 
and  two  female  Menonite  preachers.  Church  meml)ers 
there  are  none  on  record  in  the  report  of  the  Com- 
missioner of  Indian  Affairs  for  ]898.   (6) 

Heiice  in  Arizona  there  are  still  more  than  38,000 
Indians,  (7)  among  whom  but  a  mere  handful  recog- 
nize their  Creator.  Thus  it  will  ])e  seen  that  "£/  rci- 
no  de  San  Francisco,"  'The  kingdom  of  St.  Francis,'  (8) 
i.  e.,  Arizona,  in  the  words  of  the  Divine  Master,  ap- 
peals to  the  children  of  the  Seraphic  Saint  with  a 
loud  voice : 

''Behold  I  say  to  you:  Lift  up  your  eyes,  and  see  the 
countries,  for  they  are  white  already  to  harvests  {John  IV, 
55.)  '^And  seeing  the  multitudes,  He  had  compassion  on 
them,  because  they  were  distressed,  and  lying  like  sheep 
that  have  no  shepherd.  Then  He  said  to  His  disciples:  The 
harvest  indeed  is  great,  but  the  laborers  are  few.  Prav  ye 
therefore  the  Lord  of  the  harvest,  that  He  send  forth  labon 
ers  into  His  harvest."  {Matt.,  IX,  36-^8:) 

(4)    Annual  Roports,  p.  129;  59S-599.    See  also  paso  204,  this  work. 
(5)     Annual  Reports  p.  598-599.  (6)    Annual  Reports  p.  123-124;   598-599. 

(7)    Till*  number  does  not  include  the  Yumas  on  both  sides   Of    thii   Colo' 
rado  River.        (8)    See  pagR  11  this  work; 


—  222 


List  Of  Th3  Franciscans  Serving  In  Arizona  And  Northern 
Sonora  From  1538  To  1826. 


Adan,  Manuel, 
Asjorreta,  Juan  Joseph, 
Aiiuinada,  Antonio, 
Amor63,  Pedro, 
Araos,  Doming'o, 
Archundi,  Francisco, 
Arriqiibar,  Pedro, 
Asaaeion,  Juan  da  la, 
Barbastro,  Francisco  Antonio, 
Barreneche,  Juan  Antonio, 
B?ltran.  Francisco 
B^ltran,    Bernardino, 
Bordoy,  Mariano, 
Basna  y  Alcalde,  Mariano, 
Cabrera,  Jos''  Maria, 
Caja,  Jos.', 
Calzada,  Ambrosio, 
C^margo,  Antonio 
Cirrillo,  Baltazar, 
C-irrasco,  Manuel, 
CarzoU,  Juan, 
Clemente,  Gaspar  de, 
Collazo,  Angel, 
Cristdbal,  Brother, 
Cruz,  Juan  de  la, 
Dalg-ado,  Carlos, 
Diaz,  Antonio, 
Diaz,  Juan, 
Diaz,  Rifael, 
Dominguez,   Francisco, 
Eixarch,  Tomls, 
Escobar,  Francisco, 
Escalona,  Brother, 
Escalante,  Silvestre,  V. 
Espeleta,  Jose  do, 
Espinosa,  Jos6  Maria, 
Estelric,  Juan  B., 
Felix,  Ildefonso, 
Fernandez,  ? 
Figueroa,  Jose  de, 
Flores,    Sebastian, 
Font,    Pedro, 


Gallo,  Matias, 

Gamarra,  Felix, 

Garaicoechea,  Juan, 

Garces,  Francisco  Hermenegildo, 

Garcia,  Diego  Martin, 

Garcia,  Franci;co  Solano, 

Gil,  Diego, 

Gil  da  B.^rnave,  Juan  C, 

Gomez,  Jos6, 

Gonzalez,   Faustino, 

Gorgol,  Juan, 

Guillen,   Felipe, 

Gutierrez,  Andres, 

Gutierrez,  Narciso, 

Ibanez,  Fiorencio, 

Irazabel,   ? 

Irigoyen,    ? 

Ituralde,  Francisco, 

Jimenez  Vincent  Ba'tolom^, 

Jurado,  Francisco, 

Libcrds,   Ramon, 

Llorenes,  Juan  B., 

Lopez,   Ramon, 

Maducho  y  Cobo,  Fernando, 

Maldonado,  Juan, 

Martinez,  Alonzo, 

Menchero,  Juan  M. 

Miranda,    Antonio. 

Monares,   Roque, 

Mora.  Jost^, 

Moreao,   Clemente, 

Moreno,  Jose  Matias, 

Mota.   Pablo, 

Moyano,  Francisco, 

Nadal,    Pedro, 

Nelderain,  Juan  B., 

Niza,    Mdrcos. 

Ocalil,  Antonio  G., 

Padilla,  Juan  de, 

Perez,  Jos^, 

Pino,    Ignacio,  , 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Fernando, 


—  223  — 


Porras,  Franciaco  de, 
Prado,  Alonso, 
Ramirez,  Joaquin, 
Ramirez,   Jose  Ignacio, 
Ramos,  Antonio, 
Rijarch,  Clemente, 


San    Buenaventura, 
Santa  Maria,  Agustin  de, 
Sim6,  Lorenzo, 
Socies,  Bartolom^, 
Soler,  Jos^, 
Techucgui,   Francisco, 


ON     THE     COLORADO     RIVER. 


Ric,  Jose  del, 
Roche,  Francisco, 
Romero,  Francisco, 
Ruiz,  Gregorio, 
Salazar,  Est^van, 
Sanc'iez,  Andres, 
Sarayial,  Manuel, 
Sarobe,  Juan. 


Tobas,  Francisco, 
Toledo,  Juan  Jos^, 
Valverde,  Jos6  Narvaez, 
Vario,  Juan, 

Velarde,  Joaquin  Antonio, 
Villaseca,  Francisco, 
Zufiiga,  Francisco  S.  * 


*    Banc,  Hist    Arizona,  ;i79--380;    Banc,  Hist.  Tex.  I,  725;    Salpointe,  144. 


—  224  — 


GENERAL   INDEX. 


Acoma.  20S. 

Action  of  the  Fathers,  173-174. 

Action  of  the  College  of    Quer^ 

taro,  177. 
Acus,  8,  11. 
Adrian,  Bro.  201. 
Aflfaus,  civil,  69-70. 
Agatha,  Rev.  Mother,  152. 
Agency,  Colorado  River,  219. 
Agency,  Fort  Apache,  220. 
Agency  Navajo,  221. 
Agency,  Pima,  220. 
Agency,  San  Carlos,  221. 
Aguachacha,  119. 
Agua  Caliente,  91,  98. 
Agua  Escondida,   83. 
Agaage  de  Santa  Ana,  118. 
Aguage  de  Sta  Margarita,  118. 
Aguage  de  San  Pacilico,  118.       | 
Aguatuvi,  23-25.  i 

Agustin,  Fr.  Santa  Maria,  24. 
Ahacus,  10,  11. 
Ahuatu.  24. 
Ahumada,  Fr.   173-175. 
Alameda,  205. 
Alamos,    178. 
Alban,  Fr.  £02. 
Alcaldes,  Indian,  69. 
Alcalde,  Fr.  see  Buena. 
Allegiance,  oath  of,  199. 
Algodones,  see  Jalchedunes. 
Aljanibra,  GG. 
Alphons,  Sister,   152. 
Alquedunes,  see  Jalchedunes. 
Ahnarza,  IbG. 

Alta,  Pimeria,  see  Pimerfa  Alta. 
Altar,  Rio,   25. 
Altar,    presidio    de,    34,    75,    97, 

126,  127,  129,  145,  146. 
Amarillo,  209. 
Ambrose.  Mother,  152. 
Amor^se,  Fr.  181. 
Aniceta,  Sister.  152. 
Anseim,  Fr.  209. 
Antonio,  Fr.   Victoria,  20. 
Anthony,  Bro.  203. 
AnzM,  Don,  77-84.    88.    90,    9a-98 

100    109-110.  121  128,    130,    136. 

138.  165,  181.  207.^208.^ 
Anzi's  expetlition,  79,    83,    88-98. 

100. 


Apaches,  29,  34,  47,  73,  86,  102, 
103,  117,  120-122,  183,  187,  208, 
220,  221. 

Appendix  212-223. 

Apostolic,  Prefect,  31. 

Aquimuri,  34,  75,  182. 

Aqitun,  48. 

iAauitca  or  Oquitoa,  34,  76,  83, 
123,  181. 

Arag6n,  154. 

Araos,  Fr.  205. 

Aranjuez,  171. 

Archundi,  Fr.  205. 

Arentz,  Very  Rev.  Fr.  203. 

Arizonac,  25. 

Ariveci,  mission,  32. 

Arivac,  83. 

Aritoac  98. 

Arizpe,  131,  150,  171. 

Arizona,  1,  2,  9,    15,    16,    20,    21, 

i  23,  25-27,  29,  30,  33,  34.  71,  72. 
79,  98,  143,  152,  155,  157,  158, 
183,  185,  186,  190,  191,  199,  200, 
201,  204,  208,  210,  211,  219-221. 

Arizona  missions,  72. 

Arrest  of  Palma,  138. 

Arriquibar,  Fr.  183,  18G. 

Arricivita.  Fr.  2,  20,  31,  34-36, 
,38,  65,  82,  88,  94,  99,  106,  125, 
132-134,  139,  147,  158,  161,  165, 
166,  171,    176,    179-181,  187-189, 

i    216-218. 

iArroyo  de  San  Alejo,  119. 

{Arroyo  de  los  Alisoa,  109. 

Arroyo  de  la  Asuncion,  110. 

jArroyo  de  Sau  Bernabe,  118. 

Arroyo  de  Sta  Catarina,  109. 

Arroyo  de  los  Martires,  109. 

Assertion,  remarkable,  94. 

Astronomical  instruments,  82. 

[Assistant  priest.  86,  87. 

{Asuncion,  Fr.  Juan,  2. 

; Asuncion,  98. 

lAtf,  34,  52,  75,  122,  123,  182,  75, 

i    76,  181,  182. 

lAtison,  98. 

[Atlantic  and  Pacific  R.  R.  22. 

iAtole,  113. 

[Authorities,    132. 

Awkward  predicament,  51. 

jAzul,  Rio,  10,  53. 


oor, 


Babispe,  32. 

Bae,    San    Xavior   del,  26-29,    35 
45-47,  49-51,  61,  72,  74,  [85,    91* 
98,  119,  120,  123,    155-157,    184- 
187,  189-191,  199,-201,  220  221. 
Bacanora,  32. 
Bacoaohi,  32. 

Ba.ia.  Pimeria,  see  Pimeria  Baja. 
Bajio  de  Aquitano,  98. 
Bakersfield,  110. 
Balsas,  Rio  de  las,  2,  22. 
Bancroft.  H.  H.    16,    18.    27,    31 
35,    80,    83,    110,    135,  146,   l.:o' 
179,  180,  180,  189,  198. 
Bandelier,  3,  4,  9,  11,  17,   18,  20. 
Baptism  of  Chief  Pasqual,  153. 
Baquiyoba,  119. 
Barbastro,  Fr.   1,50,    173-177,  180- 

182,  212,  213. 
Barera,  Fr.  S.  J.  29. 
Bartlett,  91. 

Barreneehe,    Fr.     131,     137,    142- 
144,  147,  151,  159,  163,  186,  212- 
215. 
Barreneche's  courage,  142,  144, 
Barreneche's  IMoyraj  iiy,  159-163. 
Baylon,  Corporal,  142.' 
Beier,   Bro.  203. 
Beltran,  Fr.  21. 
Benedict,  XIV.  62. 
Benzing,  Fr.  200,  202. 
Beneine  Indians,  101,  107. 
Bicuner,  1.37,   146,  215-218. 
Big  Bend,  84. 

Bill   Williams  Fork,  22,  'ZS,  118. 
Biographical  sketches  of: 
Barrencehe,  159-163. 
Buena,  61-62. 
Calzada,  180. 
Carrasco,    181. 
Diaz,    16:3-166. 
Font.  180. 
Ganiarra,  181. 
Gferc^s,  154-1.59. 
Gil,  66. 

Guillen,  123,  182. 
Ibanez,  181. 
Marcos,  21. 
Moreno,  166-169. 
Eisanig,  .34.  76,  180. 
Eishop  of  Sonora,   170,  198. 
Bishop  Bourgade,  200,  209, 
Pishop  Reyes,  170-178. 
Bishop     Reyes,     convenes     first 

Chapter,  172. 
Bishop  Granados,   178. 


Bishop  Galinzoga,  178. 

Bishop  Rouset,  178. 

Bishop  Salpointe.  201,  208. 

Bishop's  Regulations,  67. 

Bishop's  visits,  67. 

Black  River,  220. 

Blessed    Sacrament,     Sisters   of, 

209. 
Blessed  Virgin's  picture,    59,    GO, 

92,  99. 
Bloise,  Rev    201. 
Blunder,  criminal,  136. 
Boca  de  Gandu,  ,32. 
Bonamichi,  173,  174. 
Bordoy,  Fr.  180.  183,  189. 
B0.SC0,  Rev.   L.  191. 
Bcseraca,  32. 

Bourgade.  Bishop,  200,  209. 
Bravery  of  Fr.  Sarobe,  41-42. 
Bringas,  Fr.  1,51. 
Buckey,  203. 

Bucareli,  83,  88,  89,  112,  125. 
Bucareli  Pass,  119. 
Buena,  Fr.  ,31,  ,33,  ,34,  40.  42,  45 

50,  61-63,  68,  68,  181. 
Bu-rger,  Bro..  209. 
Burgos,  166,  180. 
Buena  vista  29,  3'i    88,    124,    125, 

128. 
Builders  of  San  Xavier.  18S. 
Bureau  of  Ethuologv,  2,    15,    17, 

208. 
Bureau,  Catholic  Indian,  209. 
Burial  of  martyrs,  151. 
Cabero  River,  208. 
CaV)eza  de  Vaca,  5. 
Cabeza  del  Gigante,  104. 
Cahorca,  25,    28,    34,    61,   76.    79, 

82,  83,  97,  157,  164,  180,  215. 
Cabrera,  Fr.  .32. 
Caburica,  7,3-74,  182. 
Cddiz,  66. 
Cajuenches,  81,  83,    95,    97,    100, 

101. 
Calabazas,  29,  34,  66,  72,  73,  123. 

184,  185. 
Calatayud,   1.54. 
California,  Lower,  31,  .32.  40. 
California,  58,  78,  81,   88,  94.  93, 
97,  102,  105,   117,  120,  126.  140, 
148,  1.50,  157,  170,  177,  197,  199, 
200,  202,  203,  206, 
California,  Gulf  of,  76. 
Calzada,  Fr.  180. 
Camargo,  Fr.  205. 
Campeche,  125. 


—  226  — 


Cannda  de  Santo  Toniils,  109. 

Canfran,  119. 

Cantabria,   181. 

Carmelo,  Californin,  96. 

Carondelet,  152,  191,  221. 

Carranza,  Fr.  151. 

Carraaco,  Fr.  182,  183. 

Carrizal,  33,  61-63,  83,  98. 

CarzoU,  Fr.  186. 

Carucho,  25,  28,  34. 

Carrillo,  Fr.  184-186,  188.  189. 

Casi  Grande,  11,  15,  26,  t'S,  92, 
98. 

Castaueda,  17,  21. 

Catechism,  68. 

Catalonia,  180, 

Catholic  Ind.  Bureau,  209. 

Catholic  Historical  Review,  216. 

Catholic  Social  Union,  202. 

Caxa,  or  Caja,  Fr.  Jose,  42,  66. 

Cerro  del  Cajon,  98. 

Cerro  de  Metate,  95. 

Cebolleta,  208. 

Chapter,  first,  172,  173. 

Chaucot,  Rev.  201,  216. 

Charles  III,  171. 

Chemehueves,  104,   119,  219. 

Chemevets,  103,  105,  109. 

Cherokees,  211. 

Chichimecos,  117,  118. 

Chihuahua  37,  45,  126,  127. 

Church  of  San  Xavier,  188-192. 

Choir,  Indian.  69. 

Cibola,  7- 17,  19.  21. 

Cienega  Amarillo.  209. 

City  of  Mexico,  17,  21. 

Civil  Affairs.  69-70. 

Cincinnati,  203,  209,  210. 

Clark,  Rev.  202. 

Clemsnte,  Fr.  Gaspar,  136. 

Cbmentine,  Fr.  202. 

Coahuila,  67,  68,  179. 

Coahuila  Vallev,  98. 

Cobaji,  109. 

Cocinero.  Juan,  120. 

Cocopas,  830  Cucapas. 

Coc6spera,  34,  73,  123,  183. 

Cocomaricopas.  48,  52,  60,  83-85, 
94,  95,  93,  102,  117,  215. 

College,  see  Quer^taro. 

Coilazo,  Fr.  180. 

Colonial  History,  197. 

Colorado  River,  2,  5.  9,  22.  23, 
27,  45,  49,  53.  55-59,  61,  67,  77- 
80,  82-84,  88-90,  95,  93-101,  103- 
103,  110,  112,    117-120,    123-131, 


135,  140,  143,  145,  146,  1.^8-152,. 

156,  157,  165,  166,  180,  185,  212,. 
216-221. 

Colorado  Chiquito,  22. 
Colorado    Missions,    88,     129-140, 

141-149,  182,  216-218.. 
Colorado  Massacre,  142-145. 
Colorado  State,  208,  211. 
Colorado  Martyrs  182. 
Colteches,  108. 

Comandaute  General,  vide  Croix. 
Commissioner  Indian  Affairs,  152. 
Commissioner  Indian  Affairs,  Re- 
port of,  219-221. 
Commissariat,  California.  203. 
Commissary    General,     171,    172, 

175,  176. 
Commissary  Provincial,  202,  203. 
Compact,  32. 
Companion    Father,     39,    44,    86.. 

87. 
Comisionados,  30,  37. 
Compostella,  15. 
Concepcion,  Fr.  Jose,  23. 
Concabe,  119. 
Concepcion,  Bro.  2.3. 
Concepcion,  Cal.  83. 
Cojfirmation,   196. 
Concepcion,  see  Puerto  de  Con. 
Concejjcion,  Purisima,    see  Puri- 

sima. 
Concepcion,  Pueblo  de,  136,  140, 

142,  143,  147. 
Conspiracy,  1.38-143. 
Conversion  of  St.  Paul,  Port  of,. 

22. 
Corazones.  4. 
Corbalen,  Fr.  128. 
Coronado,  4,  15,  16.  20-22. 
Cartes,  Spanish,  195. 
Cortes,  3,  6,  17,  19. 
Courage  of  Barreneche,  142-143. 
Cremation.  153,  219. 
Criminal  blunder,  136. 
Croix,     Don     Theodor,      125-127, 

130-136,  139,  145,  146,  148,  150,. 

157,  165,  ]63.  212. 
Cronica  de  Xalisco,  20,  21. 
Cronica  Serafica,  179,  216-218, 
Cruz,  Fr.  20. 

Cruzados,  22. 
Cruzado,  Fr.  82. 
Cuabajais,  107,  108. 
Cubae,  52. 
Cucurpe,   33. 
Cucapa,  5,  100,  101. 


_  "i-i: 


■Cuchillo,  3. 

Cuercomaches,  117,  118. 
Cuitoat,  48. 
Caigniarchi,  32. 
Cujant,  60. 

Culiacaa,  1,  3,  15,  20. 
Cumuripa,  33. 
Cumpas,  32. 
Curiosity,  Indian,  48. 
Curates,  teiupory,  193. 
Gushing,  8,  11. 
Custodies,  two,  171. 
Custody  of  San  Carlos,  170-178. 
Custody,  state  of,  173. 
Custody,  statutes  of,  174-17G. 
Custody,  disolved,  177. 
Custos,  first,  173. 
Custos,  death  of,  175. 
Dakotas,  211. 
Dances,  53,  60,  107. 
Danzarines,  81,  101. 
Death  of  Fr.  Gil,  65-66. 
.,     ,,  Guillen,  122. 
„     „  Diaz,  14.3. 
,,         ,,     ,,  Moreno,   143. 
„     ,,  Garces,  145. 
,,     ,,  Barreneche,  145. 
Death  of  Don  Rivera,  144. 
,,         ,,  the  first  Custos,  175. 
,,         ,,     ,,  first  martyr,  23. 
Deception,  Indian.  52. 
Defiance,  Fort,  208,  209. 
Definitors,  173. 
Delgado,  Fr.  205,  208. 
Denver,  Bishop  cf,  190. 
Dependence  of  missionaries,  44. 
Department,  Interior,  152. 
Dessrters,  108. 
Destruction  of  San  Pedro  y    oan 

Pablo,  143. 
Deymann,  Fr.  202. 
Diaz,  Fr.  Juan,  31,  34,  78,  81-83, 
127,  128,  130-132,   137,  143,  147, 
180.  16.3-166,  169,  186,  212-215. 
Diaz,  Fr.  Juan,  President,  165. 
Diaz.  Fr.  Raphael,  186,  187. 
Diary    of    Fr.  Garces,  50,  88,  98, 

104,  109,  110,  120,  158,  159. 
Diary  of  Fr.  Font,  98. 
Diary  of  Don  Anza,  98. 
Diez  or  Diaz,  Fr.  P.  (S.J.),  29. 
Diaz's  Fr.  Juan,  biography,  163 

166. 
Difficulty,  see  mission  difficulty. 
Diocese  of  Sonora,  170. 
Discretory,  39. 


Discontent  of  soldiers,  131. 

Ditt-pax,  98. 

Doherty,  Rev.  202. 

Dolores  de  Saric.  .34,  182. 

Dominguez,  Fr.  206. 

Dos  Republicas,  186. 

Drexel,  Rev.  Mother,  209. 

Duran,  Fr.  199. 

Durango  Bishop  of,  67,  89,  178. 

Dwinello,  193,  197. 

Ecclesiastical  government,  38- 

Echasco,  Fr.  160. 

Electioii  of  Custos,  175. 

El  Pescadero,  98. 

Elisabeth  Lake,  109. 

Emory,  80. 

Encarnacion,  98. 

Encinal,  208. 

Engelhardt,  Fr.  Z.  152,  200,  216. 

Epidemics,  47. 

Episcopalian,  219. 

Erasmus,  Bro.  203. 

Escalante,  Fr.  206,  207. 

Escalona,  Bro.  20. 

Escobar,  Fr.  21,  22. 

Escalera,  119. 

Espejo,  21. 

Espeleta,  Fr.  24. 

Espinosa,  Fr.  J.  M.  31,  18C-182. 

Espinosa,  Fr.  Al.  S.  J.,  29. 

Estelric,  Fr.  186\ 

Estremadura,  164. 

Estevanico,  or  Estevan,  3,   o,    7, 
9,  12. 

Eugene,  Bro.  201. 
Exercises,  mission,  69. 
Expedition  of  Anza,    79,    83,   88- 

98. 
Expedition,  patron  of,  90. 
Evzarch,  Fr.  90,  95,  97,    99,  102, 

mx  109,  181. 

Pages,   Don,    109,   145,  14G,  148- 

151,  212,  215 
Failure,  150. 
False  charges,  64. 
Fathers,  action  of,  173-174. 
Favorite  subject,  105,  109. 
Fernandez,  Fr.  207. 
Fernandinos,  31. 
Figueroa  Fr.  Jose,  23,  24. 
First  Bishop  of  Sonora,  172. 
First  Custos.  173. 
First  Definitors,  173. 
First  Exploration,  104,  109. 
First  Martyr,  23. 
First  White  Man,  104,  103,  206. 


—  22S  — 


Discovery  of  bodies,  148-151. 
Disregard  for  Indiiius,  137. 
Fiscaies,  GS-69. 
Florence,  201. 
Flores,  Fr.  173,  175. 
Florida  Expedition,  1,  3,  5. 
Font's,  Fr.  Report,  91-9.3. 
Font.     Fr.     Pedro,    90-93,    93-98, 

100,  125,  180. 
Fort  Apache,  220. 
Fort  Defiance,  208,  209. 
Fort  Mojave,  101.  Ill',  219. 
Fort  McDowell,  203. 
Fort  Wiii,a:ate.  209. 
Fort    Yuma,    97,    102,    152,    200, 

216-218. 
Francisc:.::.3,    2,    15,    23,     25,    30 

153.  19,9,  230,  201,  203,  209. 
Francisc:in  Martyrs,  151. 
Franciscan  system,  196. 
Franciscan  view,  19G-197. 
Free  Masons,  29,  30,  195. 
Frederic.  Bro.  203. 
Frente  Negn-a,  98. 
Fruitvale,  Cal.  200. 
Fueros,  S:^e  Tueros. 
Fund,  Pious,  197. 
Galinzoga,  Bishop,  178. 
Gallo,  Fr.  .33,  63. 
Gallup,  Xew  Mexico,  209    210. 
Galvez,  Don,   ,34,    35,    40,  42,    43. 

44,  45,  50,  62,  68. 
Gaona,  Brothers,  188,  189. 
Gamarra,  Fr.  180-182. 
Garaicoechea,  Fr.  24,  25. 
Garces,  Vr.  31,  35,  42,  45-50,    61, 
77,  78,  81,  82,  84,  85,  88-92,  94, 
95,     97.     99-118,     120,     124-131, 
i;3;5,  137-1.39,  142,    144-145,    147, 
151,  1.53-159,  161,  163.  166,  166, 
180,  186,  187,  206,  207,  212-215, 
219. 
Garces'  anxiety,  135. 
Garces  at  Moqui,  112-116. 
Garces'  death  145. 
Garces'  illness,  47,  187. 
Garces'    missionary    tovirs,  46-49, 
59-61,  82-85,  90-98,    99-109,    110- 
119. 
Garces'  biography,  154-159. 
Garci^s'  opinion,  1.39. 
GarccV  picture.  90,  92,  99,  100. 
Garces'  relatives,  154. 
Garces'  opinion  of    Fr.    Barrene- 

che,  163. 
Garcia,   Fr.  D.,  31,  34,  183,  207. 


Gerard,  Rev.  201. 
German  Lutherans,  220. 
Gil,  Fr,  31.  34,  6.3-65,  155,  164. 
Gil's,  Fr.  death.  65-66. 
Gil's,  Fr.  Biography,  66. 
Gii's,  Fr.  protest.  64. 
Gila  River,  2,  7,  9,  10,  22,  25-30, 
42,  45,    47,    48,    50,    53,  55,    60, 
,      61,  67,  74,  75,  77-80,  83,  88,  89, 
91-95,    98,    102,    103,    110,    118, 
124,     125,     145.    146,    151,    152, 
156,  166,  176,  204,  216,  217. 
Gila  Bend,  203. 
Gila  tribes,  27. 
Gilefios,  GO,  85. 
Gila  missions,  50. 
Godyol,  Fr.  Jose,  200. 
Gomez,  Fr.  181,  182. 
Gorgol,  Fr.  ISO,   181. 
Gorgonio  Pas-;,  81,  98. 
Granados,  Bishop,  178. 
Grande  xMedanal,  104. 
Grasshoffer,  Fr.  (S.  J.),  28. 
Grief  of  the  Fathers,  141. 
Grijalva,  90,  109. 
Guachimera,  .32. 
Guadalajara,  67,  178. 
Guaimas,  32,  62,  64,  66,  155,  164. 
Gualpi,  25,  204,  205. 
Gualiba,  119. 
Guallapais  see  Juallajjais. 
Gualta,   119. 
Guamua,  119. 
Guanavepe,  114. 
Guazaba,  .32. 
Guevavi,    25,    28,    29,    47,    65,  72, 

73,  183-187. 
Guillen,  Fr.  .31,  181.  182. 
Guillen,   Fr.  killed,  122. 
Gulf  of  California,  18,  76,  99. 
Gutierrez,    Fr.    Andres,    23. 
Gutierrez,    Fr.    Narciso,    184-188, 

188.  189. 
Haines,  16. 
Harmony      among     missionaries, 

181-162. 
Havana,  159,  160. 
Haverbeck,  Fr.  203. 
Hawikuh,  11,  17. 
Hayata,  3. 
Hermosillo,  64. 
Hesse,  Fr.  Raphael,  209. 
Himuris  cr  Imuris,  34,  74,  183. 
Historical  Review.  216,  217. 
Holy  Names,  57,  81. 
Honorato,  Fr.   3. 


—  22l» 


Horcasitas,  63,  GO,  68,    88-90,   97, 

125,  128,  155,  161. 
Hornachos,   161. 
Hualapais,  sch!  Juallapais. 
Hudson  Bay,  1. 
Iluelsbring,  Bro.  203. 
Iluerta   68. 
Ibanez,  Fr.  180,  182. 
Idols,  81. 

Ignorance,  Mexican,  202. 
Ignorance  Indian,  68,  70,  71,    80. 
lidefons,  Bro.  200-203. 
Imuris  see  Hiniuris. 
Independence,  Mexican,  195. 
Indians,  35-39,  43. 
Indian  Affairs,  Com.  of,  152. 
Indian    attacks,     121,     112,    145, 

182. 
Indian  criminals,  66,  102. 
Indian  customs,   71. 
Indian  cariosity,  48,  80. 
Indian  deception,  52. 
Indian  discontent,  129. 
Indian  dress,  71,  105. 
Indian  dullness.  69. 
Indian  funeral,  60. 
Indian  houses,  70. 
Indian    indifference,    38,    43,    44, 

202. 
Indian  insolence,  141. 
Indian  kindness,  100-105. 
Indian  owners  of  land,  197. 
Indian  language,  38,  69-71,  210. 
Indian  morality,  71,  86,  219. 
Indian  officers,  69. 
Indian  piety,  102.  107,  111. 
Indian  priests,  178. 
Indian  raids,  47,  102,  106,    121. 
Indian  revolt,  40,  42,  129- 140. 
Indians  and  the  Sacraments,  69. 
Indian  school,  97,  210. 
Indian  surprise,  46,  49,  54,  55. 
Indian  singing,  69, 
Indian  superstition,  38. 
Indian  suspicion,  107. 
Indian  Territory,  211. 
Indian  treachery,  145. 
Indian  treasury,  63. 
Indian  work,  70. 
Indian  women,    71. 
Interior  Department,  152. 
Inventory,  198. 
Instructions,  38,  39. 
Irazabel,  Fr.  205. 
Irigoyen,  Fr.  206-208. 
Islas,  Don,  142. 


Isleta,   205. 

Iturraldc,   Fr.  180,   182. 

Indian  tribes  mentioned: 

Apachej, 

Baquiyoba, 

Beiieme, 

Cajuenches, 

Chemehueves, 

Chemevet, 

Cherokees, 

Chichiniecas, 

Cobaji, 

Cocomaricopas, 

Conajale, 

Cuabajais, 

Cucapas,  or  Cocopas, 

Cuercomaches, 

Danzarines, 

Gualta, 

Huallapais  see  Juallapais, 

Jabesu;', 

.lalchedunes, 

Jamajab,  see  Mojavie, 

Japal, 

Juaguallapais, 

Juallapais, 

Mojave, 

Moquinos, 

Maricopas, 

Navajo, 

Niforas, 

Noches, 

Papagos, 

Piatos, 

Pimas, 

Quilmurs, 

Quemajab, 

Seri, 

Serranos, 

Sioux, 

Tallicuamais, 

Yavipais  Tehuas, 

Yumas, 

Yutas, 

Zufii, 
Jabesua,  111,  116,   117. 
Jaguallapais,  109,  111,  118. 
Jalap.i.,  21. 
Jalchedunes,    2,    84,    85,    95,    97, 

103,     109,     117,    118,    120,    129, 

140,  215. 
Jalisco,  see  Xalisco. 
Jamajab,  103.  105,  107,  103,    1C9, 

111,  117,  118. 
Jangogualpa,  119. 
Japul,  119. 


—  230  — 


.Jayme,  Fr.   96,  102. 

Jemes,  208. 

Jesuits,    23,  27,    28,    30.    37.    155, 

185,  186,  191,  196. 
Jimenez,  Fr.  186. 
Jimeno,  Rev.  (S.  J.^i,  29. 
Jongopabi,  see   Xongopabi. 
Jose,  Fr.  200,  202. 
Jouvenceau,  Rev.  201. 
Juailapais,  110,  111,    220. 
Jtiau,  Fr.  de  la  Cruz,  20. 
Juan,  Fr.  tie  Padilla,  20. 
Jueces  reales,  -37. 
Julia,  Mother,  152. 
Juuipero.  Fr.  see  Serra. 
Junta  de  los  Rios,  89. 
Jurado,  Fr.   173. 
Juvenal,  Fr.  209,  210. 
Katharine,    Eev.    Mother,  209, 

210. 
Keller.  Rev.  iS.  J.i,  28. 
Kern  River,   110. 
Kilian,  Fr.  203. 

Kino,  Rev.  (S.  J.),  26,  27,  29,  80. 
King  Charles.  172. 
Kiag,  reqncst  of.  177. 
Kint^dom  of  St.  Francis,  11,  221. 
La  Caaoa.  93. 
Lacazor,  159. 
La  Croix,  30. 
La  Estancia,  83. 
L;t,  Laguaa,  98. 
Lagiiua,  New  Mexico,  208. 
Laguna  del  Hospital,  98. 
Laguna  Salada,  98. 
Laguna  de  Trinidad,  120. 
Lampe,  Fr.  200,  202. 
Lamy,  Bishojj,  190. 
Language,  Indian,  69,  210. 
Language,  Spanish,  68. 
Language,  Navajo,  210. 
Language,  Yuma,  153. 
Lay  Brothers,  3. 
Lauretana,  31. 
La  Pasion,  101. 
Leontius,  Sister.  1-52. 
Letbert,  Bro,  200. 
Tjetter  of  Fr.  Garces,  1.30. 
Letter  of  the  viceroy,  65,  78. 
Letter  of  Fr.  Moreno,  167-169. 
Letter    of    Fr.    Barreueche,    162- 

163. 
Letter  of  Fr.  Buena,  43. 
Liberos.  Fr.  184-180. 
Lima,  21. 
.Llano  de  Fuzal,  93. 


Llano  Grande,  98. 

Llorenes,  181. 

Lobos  Creek,  96. 

Logrono,  166. 

Lopez,  Fr.  180,  181,  186,  189. 

Los  Cerritos,  98. 

Louis,  Fr.  203. 

Lower  California,  3. 

Lummis,  C.  F.,  19. 

Luis  de  Escalona,  Bro.,  20. 

Lutherans,  220. 

Machebeuf,  Very  Eev.  190,  199. 

Macueyues,  59. 

Mador,  68,  69. 

Madre,  Sierra,  59. 

Madrid,  50,  155. 

Magdalena,    4,    34,     74,     181-183, 

190. 
Maldonado,  Fr.  186. 
Marata,  8,  11,  14. 
Mdrco3,  Fr.  1-21,  26. 
Marcellino  da  Civezza,  1. 
Margil,  Fr.  179. 
Maricopas,  8,  2C0,  203,  220. 
Maricopa  County,  203. 
Martinez,  Fr.  21. 
Martinez,  Gov.,  205. 
Mariano.  Fr.  see  Buena. 
Martyr,  First  in  Arizona,  23,  26. 
Martyrs  of  the  Colorado,  151. 
Mary  Joseph.   Sister,  152. 
Masaqueve,  119. 
Masonic  Government,  164. 
Massacre   on   the    Colorado,    142- 

145,  180. 
Massachusetts,  15. 
Masses,  three,  privilege  of,   91. 
Matapa,   4. 
Matias,  Don,  146. 
Matyata.,8. 
Maud,  Pa.,  209. 
Medano,  110. 
Menchero,  Fr.  208. 
Mendieta,  20. 
Mendoza,  1.  3,  15. 
Menominee  Missions,  152. 
Menonites,  221. 
Merida,  66. 

Mercy,  Sisters  of,  203. 
Mesa,  203. 
Mesea,  Rev.  C.  191. 
Metate,  95,  98. 
Method,  mission,  08-70. 
Methodists,  221. 
Mexican  gulf,  1. 
Mexican  Independence,  194. 


—  231   — 


Mexicans,  200-202. 

Mexican  Sisters,  152. 

Mexico,    13,    50,    62,    63,    67,    77, 

78,  84,  86,  87,  92,  97,    126,  130, 

16i,  170,  179,  181,  ISO,  195,  197. 
Michael,  Fr.  2C0. 
Michigan,  91. 
Michoacdn.  62. 
Miranda,  Fr.  24,  203. 
Mission  de  Ati,  75,  76,  122,    123, 

181. 
Mission  del  Bac,  see  Bac. 
Mission  de  Cafciurica,  73. 
Mission    de    Caborca   see    Cabor- 

ca. 
Mission  de  Guevavi,  72. 
Mission  de  Suamca,  73. 
Mission  de  Saric,  74-75. 
Mission  de  San  Miguel,  210. 
Mission  de  Tubutania,  75, 
Mission  de  Ures,  62,  Ho. 
Mission  Maria  Magd.,  120,  121. 
Mission  San  Juan  B.,  Texas,  62. 
Mission  statistics,  72-77. 
Missions,  state  of,  .35-40,    43,    44, 

72-77,  86-90. 
Missions  on  -,he  Gila,  50. 
Missions,  Spanish,  210. 
Missions,  Pi'otestant,  208. 
Missions  in  Pirneria  Alta,  72-77. 
Missions,  founding  of,  63,  64. 
Missions,  transferred.  67,  71. 
Mission  teuiporalities,  ■34-.36. 
Mission  difficulties,  35-40,  43,  44. 
Mission  churches,  70, 
Mission  devotions,  69. 
Mission  routine,  68-70. 
Mission  svstem.  68-70,  198, 
Mission  sites,  216-218. 
Missions  endangered,  122. 
Missions,  Navajo,  208. 
Missionary,  qualities  of,  65. 
Missionary  tours,  46,  see  Tour. 
Missions  to  Non-CatholicG,  202. 
Mochap:i,  .32. 
Moclesta,  Sistsr,  152. 
Mojaves,  103,  104,  110,    157,    21D- 

221. 
Monares,  Fr.  173. 
Monterey,  77,  78.  82,  84,    86,    98, 

106,  125,  165,  206. 
Moraga,  90,  96. 
Morata  del  Condo,  154. 
Montezuma.  6,  17,  92. 
Mora,,  Fr.  180. 
Moreno,  Fr.  CI.,  180,  131,  186. 


Moreno,     Fr.    Matfas.    137,    143, 

147,  166-169,  186.  212-215. 
Moreno's  letter,  167-169. 
Moris,  miss'on  of,  25. 
Moqui,     21-25,     28.    49,    85,    110- 

120,    125,    157-159,  204-208,  211, 

221. 
Moqui  unkindness,  112-216. 
Moqui  distress,  207. 
Mota,  Fr.  180. 
Moxaiuabi,  24. 
Moyano,  Fr.  ISO- 182. 
Muca.  119. 
Nacameri,  33. 
Nacori,  32. 

Nadal,  Fr.  Pedro,  2.  22. 
Names,  Holv,  57,  81. 
Napeut,  48." 
Narvaez,  1. 
Navarra,  159. 
Navajo,  meaning  of.  208. 
Navajo  agency.  221. 
Navajo  countrv,  207-209.  211. 
Navajcs,  lb,  207-210.  221. 
Needles,  The,  104.  219. 
Neve,  Gov.,  148,  149. 
Nelderain,  Fr.  186. 
New    Mexico,    15,    16.    19-22,    25, 

58,   85,    97.    106,    110,    125,  157 

190,  205-211. 
New  Mexico.  Province  of,  205. 
New  York,  216. 
Niforas,  84,  145. 
Nightly  procession,  148. 
Niza,  see  Marccs. 
Noches,  107-109. 
Nombre  de  Jesus,  Rio.  22. 
Non-sectarian  school,  208. 
Noraguas,  53. 
Noticias  Estadisticas.  191. 
Nuestra  Sefiora  del  Populo,  34. 
Nuestra  Seficra  de  Saric,  7.i.. 
Nueva  Leon,  179. 
Oapars,  48. 

Oath  of  allegiance,  199. 
Obert,  Bro.,-  201. 
O'Conor,  Don,  88,   89,  125.. 
Ohio  River.  210. 
Ojo  Cahente,  11, 
"Old  Man,"  156. 
Onabas,  mission,  33,  41.. 
Onapa,  32. 
Ofiate,  21,  22,  111. 
O'Neil,  Marv,  1.52. 
Opas,  48,  61,  lis. 
Oparsoitac,  98.. 


—    Op.9    _ 


Opinion  of  the  Yumas,  139. 

Opodepe,  mission,  33. 

Oputo,  32. 

Oquitoa,  see  Aquitoa. 

Oraibi,  24,  112,  119.  208,  207. 

Order,  daily.  68-70. 

Ostimuri,  4l. 

Otoac,  98. 

Outrages,  Spanish,  1.36,  137. 

Overland  Route,  78,  83,  84. 

Pablo,  chief,  97-99,  135. 

Pacific  Railroad.  22,  153. 

Pacific  coast,  206. 

Pajaro,  Cal.,  200,  202. 

Pajarito,  205. 

Palma,  chief's  arrest,  1.38. 

Palma,  chief,  79-81,  83,  95,  97, 
99  102,  124,  126,  127,  129,  130, 
132,  135,  138.  144,  145,  146,  150. 

Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  1. 

Papagos,  7,  29,  46,  48,  49,  51,  59, 
79  129,  145,  156-157,  185,  200, 
203,  220. 

Palou,  Ft.,  137,  146,  216. 

Pauuco  River,  160. 

Parentis  locus,  197. 

Parker.  Winship,  2,  .3,  6,  17,    18. 

Pasqual,  chief,  153,  216. 

Paterna,  Fr.,  82. 

Paulists,  202. 

Paver,  Rev.  F.  (S.  J.)  28. 

Pa  J  eras,  Fr.,  198. 

Payuchas,  119. 

Peiion  de  la  Campana,  104. 

Perez,  Fr.  Jose,  183. 

Peru,  6,  14,  21. 

Petatlan,  3. 

Petitions  of  the  Fathers,  40,  86, 
87. 

Petition  of  Fr.  Garces,  135. 

Phoenix,  200-204,  2i0. 

Pfefferkorn,  Rev.  Ig.  (S.  J.)  ^9. 

Piatos,  120. 

Picture  Bl.  Virgin  Marv,  90. 
Piles,  23,  182. 

Pimas,  6-10,  25,  27-29,  32,  34,  47- 

49,  52,  53,  59-61,  83,  84,  91,  13, 

98,    99,  101.    118,  129,    145,  184, 

187,  191,  200,  203,  204,  220. 

Pima  tongue,  182. 

Pimeria  Alta,  25,  27,  28,   30,    31, 

33-,35,  63,  67,  71.    76,    120,    156, 

170,   179,   189,  195.  199.  20^.  212. 

Pimeria    Eaja,    25,    30-33,    35,  67, 

71,  89,  165,  173. 
Pimerlas,  50,  62,  67,  86. 


Pima  agency,  22(7.  

Pinole,  41,  48,  113.. 

Pino,  Fr.  205. 

Pintados,  7,  14. 

Pinta  Pass,  109. 

Pious  Fund,  197. 

Pitac,  48. 

Pitic,  33,  41,  45,  63-G5,   123,    180J. 

181,  215. 
Pitiqui,  34. 
Pitiquin,  76,  128,  180. 
Pizarro,  21. 
Placidus,  Bro.,  209. 
Ponce  de  Leon,  Fr.,  32. 
Pope  Benedict,  XIV,  62. 
Pope  Pius  VI,  170. 
Porras,  Fr.  23,  26. 
Port  of  Santa  Maria,  1G9. 
Posa  Creek,,  110. 
Poverty  of  Garces,  155. 
Poverty,  Mexican,  202. 
Posociom,  98. 
Pozo  de  Avispas-,  119. 
Pozo  de  San  Basilio,  119L-. 
Pozo  de  Sta  Isabel,  119. 
Pozo  de  la  Rosa.  119. 
Pozos  de  Enmedia,  98. 
Prescott,  21,  22,  201. 
Prisoners,  girls,  103. 
Providence  Mountains,  109.. 
Prado,  Fr.  180,  186,  188. 
Priests,  Indian,  178. 
Presbvterians,  220. 
Protest  of  Fr.  Gil,  64. 
Protestantism,  15. 
Province    of    the    Sacred    Heart'j. 

200,  203. 
Province    of    St.    John   the  Baj)- 

tist.  209.  211. 
Pueblo  Indians,  16.  S3. 
Pueblo  Missions,  132-136.. 
Puebla  de  Ics  Angeles,  67. 
Pueblito  de  S.  Agu.stin,  186,  187,- 
Puerto  de  San  Pablo,  22. 
Puerto  Blanco,  S8. 
Puerto  de  Bucareli,  119. 
Puerto     de     la    Concepcion,     97, 

101,  102,  104,  118,  120,. 135,  216- 

218.. 
Puerto  de  San  Carlos,  81,  83. 
Punta  de  los  Jamajahs,  118. 
Punta  de  los  Llancs,  98. 
Purisima    Coni  eijcion    de    Cabcr- 

ca,  34,  76,  180. 
Purissima  Concepcion,  see   Puer- 
to de  Corscexjcion.- 


i^OO      _^ 


Queretaro,  College     30,  31,    35, 

-59     41     63,    64,  66,    67,  84,    86, 

123      151,    155,     160,    164,    165, 

167-169,    170,    171,    173,  175-177, 

179-182,  212.  , .    ^„ 

Queretaranos,    32,    33,  35,  bb,  6(, 

71,  89,  90,  172. 
Quilmurs,  85. 
Quiquimas,  53-55. 
Quitac,  98. 
Quitobac,  83. 
Quito,  21. 

Raphael,  Very  Rev.  Fr.  209., 
Ramirez,  Fr.  32. 
Ramos,  Fr.  180,  181. 
Rebellion,  Indian,  40. 
Rechtsteiner,  Bro.,  200,  203. 
Regulations,  remarkable,  132-134 
Relatives  of  Fr.  Garces,    154 
Relatives  of  Fr.  Diaz,  163. 
Relatives  of  Fr.   Moreno,  16b. 
Religious  of  Pimeria  Alta,  170. 
Remarkable  assertion,  94. 
Replies  of  the  Fathers,  172. 
Report,  Annual,  217-221. 
Report  of  Fr.  Font,  91,  92. 
Report,  Pacific  R.R.,    153. 
Report  of   Fr.  Reyes,  67-77,  87. 
Reyes,  Fr.,  31,  33,  67-76,  77. 
Richardt,  Fr.  M.,  200. 
Rijarch,  Fr..  186. 
Rinconada,  98. 
Rio  Altar,  25. 
Rio  Asuncion,    119. 
Rio  Azul,  10,  53. 
Rio  Colorado,  see  Colorado. 

Rio  Gila,  see  Gila. 

Rio  Grande,  62. 

Rio  Colorado  Chiquito,  22. 

Rio  Jabesua,  119. 

Rio  Jaquesila,    112. 

Rio  Mojave,  109, 

Rio  Martires.  110. 

Rio  Grande   de    Buena   Guia,   or 
Colorado,  22. 

Rio  Pauneo,  160. 

Rio  Verde,  22,  26. 

Rio  S.'liuas,  10. 

Rio  Sonora,  3,  4. 

Rio  Sinaloa,  3. 

Rio  Salado,  26. 

Rio  Yaqui,  3,  25. 

Rio  Tison  or  Colorado,  22. 

Rio  de  los  Martires  or  Color.,  2b. 

Rio  de  las  Balsas,    or  Col.,  'j,  ^^. 

Rio  de  las  Casas  Grandes,  4. 


Rio  de  la  Esperanza,  or    Colora- 
do, 26. 
Rio  del  Norabre  de  Jesu,  22. 
Rio  de   los  Apostoles,  or  Gila  22. 
Rio  de  los  Evangelistas,  26. 
Rio  San  Andres,  22. 
Rio  San  Antonio,  22,  119. 
Rio  San  Felipe,   109. 
Rio    San     Pedro,    or     Jaguesilla, 

119. 
j  Rio  Sacramento,  22, 
Rio  San  Miguel,  4. 
Rio  San  Pedro,  26. 
Rio  Santa  Ana,  82,  83. 
Rio  Santa  Cruz,  26,  110,  184. 
Rio  Santa  Maria,  118. 
Rio,  Fr.  Jo3^,  31,  50,  181,  186. 
i  Rivera,  106,  140,  143. 
i  Robles,  Sergeant,  140. 
I  Robert,  Bro.  200,  203. 
Rocky  Mountains,  211. 
i  Roche,  Fr.  31,  34. 
1  Rome,  177. 
I  Rosary.  68. 
I  Rouset,  178. 
Route  to  Moqui,  118  120. 
Routine,  mission,  68. 
I  Rudo  Ensayo,  191. 
Sacramento  River,  22. 
Sacraments,     administration     of, 

67. 
Sacred  Heart  Province,  200,  203. 
Sahuaripa,  32. 
Salary  or  stipend,  37. 
Salazar,  Fr.  31,  182. 
Salesia,  Sister,  153, 
^fllinis    10 

Salpoin'te,  Bishop,  2,  3,  201,  208. 
Salt  River,  204. 

Salvatierra,  Rev.  (S.  J.)  26,  27. 
San  Agustin  Pueblito,   186,  187. 
San  Andres,  98. 
San  Antonio,  Cal.,  96. 
San  Antonio  del  Bisanlg,  180. 
San  Antonio  de  Bucareli,  83. 
San  Antonio  de  la  Huerta,  68- 
San  Antonio  del  Pitiqui,  .34,    76, 

180,   181. 
San  Antonio  de  Oquitoa,  .34,    7b, 

181. 
San  Antonio  Rancherfa,  120. 
San  Antonio  River,  22. 
San  Bias,  31,  32,   155,  164. 
San  Benito,  109. 
San  Bernardino,  Ariz.  96. 
San  Bernardino,  Cal.,  23,  83. 


—  2,34  — 


San  Bernardo,  89. 

San  Buenaventura,  Fr.  22,  23. 

San  Carlos  Agency,  221. 

San  Carlos,  96. 

San  Carlos,  puerto  de,  83. 

San  Carlos,  ship,  31. 

San  Casimiro  Wells,  109,  110. 

San  Cayetauo,  34,  72,  185. 

San  Diego,  Ariz.,  98. 

San  Diego,  Cal.,  82,  96,  106,  165, 

216. 
San  Dionisio,  27.  79,  80,  83,  84. 
San  Eduardo,  83. 
San  Eusebio,  83. 
San  Felipe,  89. 
San  Felipe  River,  108,  110. 
San  Fernando,  Cal.,  109. 
San    Fernando,    Mex.,     96,     181, 

198. 
San  Francisco  de  Ati,  34. 
San  Francisco,  Cal.,  89,  96,    125, 

157,  181,  202. 
San  Francisco,  el  Reino  de,  14. 
San  Francisco,  Texas,  182. 
San  Gabriel,  Ariz.,  22. 
San  Gabriel,  Cal.,  78.  82,  8:3,  95- 
97,  105,  106,  109,  137,  140,  149, 
157. 
San  Gorgonio  Pass,  98. 
San  Gregorio,  83. 
San  Ignacio,    25,    34,    73,  74,   75, 

87,  121-123,  180,  182,  184. 
San  Ignacio  Ford,  83. 
San  lldefonso,  83. 
San    Jos6    de    Aquimuri,  34,    75, 

182. 
San  Jose  de  Imuris,  34,  74. 
San  Jos6  de  Pimas,  34,  44,  180. 
San  Jose  de  Tucson,  34,  72,  186. 
San    Jos6    de    Tumacilcori,    34, 

184,  185. 
San  Juan  del  Bisanig,  .34,  76. 
San  Juan  B.,  Texas,  62. 
San  Juan  Capistrano,  84,  98. 
San  Juau  de  Di6s,  109,  110. 
San  Juan  de  Mata,  83. 
San  Juan  Pitiquf,  180. 
San  Juan  River,  208. 
San  Luis  de  Bacapa,  83. 
San  Lui3  Obispo,    Cal.,    96,    105, 

106. 
San  Marcelo,  79,  104. 
San  Martin,  98. 
San  Mateo,  101. 
San  Miguel,  3,  15,  28,  110. 
San   Miguel  de    Horcasitas,    see 
Horcasitas. 


San  Miguel  River,  4. 
San  Miguel  de  los  Navajos,  211. 
San  Pablo,  102. 
San  Pascual,  a3,  98,  109. 
Stn  Patricio,  83. 
San  Pedro,  109. 
San  Pedro,  rancheria,    118. 
San  Pedro  Valley,  18. 
San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  Pueblos, 
1.37,  146,  166,  169,  181,  215-218. 
San    Pedro  y   San  Pablo   de  Tu- 

butania.  34. 
San  Serafino,  98. 
San  Sebastian,  8;3,  104. 
San  Venancio,  110. 
San  Xavier  del  Bac,  see  Bac. 
Sanchez,  Fr.  180. 
Santo  Angel,  104. 
Santo  Domingo.  203. 
Santo  Tomas,  83. 
Santos  Angeles,  34,  183. 
Santos   Simon   y   Judas,    83,    84, 

98. 
Santa  Ana,  74. 
San  Barbara,  Cal.,  149,  202,  203, 

216. 
San  Barbara  Channel,  140. 
Santa  Catarina,  83. 
Santa  Cecilia,  98. 
Santa  Clara  Real,  73,  74. 
Santa     Clara    Valley,     109,     185, 

195. 
Santa  Clara  Volcano,  53. 
Santa  Coleta,  120. 
Santa  Cruz,  89,  204,  220. 
Santa  Cruz  River,   184. 
Santa  Cruz  Valley,  7,  14,  27,  29. 
Santa  Eulalia,  81,  83,  95,  100. 
Santa  Fe,  24,  190,  205,  206,  209. 
Santa  Isabel,  109. 
Santa  Maria,  Fr.   24. 
Santa  Maria  de  Suamca,  73,  183. 
Santa  M.  Magdalena,  34,  74,  120, 

121. 
Santa  Olaya,  see  Eulalia. 
Santa  Rosalia,  .33. 
Santa  Rosa,  8.3. 
Santa    Teresa,    34,    74,    122,    123, 

181. 
Saniiaigo,  ship,  82. 
Santiago,  3,  34,  73,  183. 
Saric,  25,  34,  74,  75,  83,  121,  123, 

182. 
Sarobe,  Fr.  31,  a3,  41-42. 
Sastre,  Don,  65. 
Sayota,  4. 


285  — 


Schwarze,  Fr.  202. 
Schloesser,  Fr.  203. 
Sfhnorbus,  Fr.,  209. 
Schools,  152,  201,  202,  201,  210. 
Sebastian,    78,  79,    101,  101,    105, 

107,  108,    110. 
Secularization,  195-199. 
Sedelmaier,  Rev.  (S.  J.),  28. 
Sefjesser,  Rev.  (S.  J.),  27. 
Seminary,    168. 
Serranos,  101. 
Seraphin,  Fr.  200,  202. 
Seri,  40,  45,  62-65,  120. 
Serra,  Fr.  78,  82,  96,  106,  120. 
Sesepaulaba,  119. 
Seven  Cities,  6,  7,  10,  11,  19,  20. 
Severin,  Fr.  202,  201. 
Sevilleta,  208. 
Shea,  Dr.  1,  4,  16,  216. 
Sierra  de  Santa  Coleta,  109,  110, 
Sierra  de  San  Ildefonso,  118. 
Sierra  Moreno,  118. 
Sierra  de  Finales,  119. 
Sierra  Grande,  109. 
Sierra  de  San  Marcos,  109. 
Sierra  de  Santiago,  118. 
Sierra  de  San  Pablo,  104. 
Sierra  Santa  Magarita,  104. 
Sinio,  Fr.  180. 
Simon,  Alferez,  140. 
Sinaloa,  1,  2,  89,  170. 
Sinodo,  or  stipend,  37,  63. 
Sioux,  211. 
Sisters  of  St.  Joseph,  97,  153,  191, 

218,  221. 
Sisters  of  Mercy,  203. 
Sobaipuris,  27. 
Socies,  Fr.  182. 
Soledad,  181. 

Soler,  Fr.  .31,  34,  180,  181. 
Sonoitac,  6,  9,  16,  18,  25,  28,  34, 

52,    60,    66,    72,  73,    79,  83,   97, 

129,  146,  165,  184. 
Souora,  28,  45,  50,  66-68,   77,    90, 

126,  140,  146,  148,  150,  161,  164, 

169-173,  177,  178,  180,  185,  186, 

190,  199. 
Sonora,  Rio,  3,  4,  25,  40. 
Sonora,  Bishop  of,  198. 
Sonora  diocese,  170. 
Sotomayor,  215. 
South  Sea,  21. 

Spanish  outrages,  108.  136-137. 
Spanish  language,  39,  68. 
Spain,  king  of,  117. 
State  of  the  Missions,   35-40,    43- 

44. 


Statement  of  Fr.  Guardian,    172. 

Statistics,  ,35, 

Steiger,  Rev.  (S.  J.)  28. 

Stephan,  Rt.  Rev.  209. 

Stimulus  Amoris,  161. 

Stubborness,  Indian,  205. 

St.  Anthony's  Hall,  202. 

St.  Francis,  3. 

St.  Francis,  sons  of,  1. 

St.  Francis,  kingdom  of,    14. 

St.    Louis,    Mo.,    1.52,    200.    202, 

203. 
St.  Mary's,  Phoenix,  200-203. 
St.  Michael's,  210. 
Suapa,  33. 
Suamca,    28,    29,  .34,  .35,    72,    73, 

183. 
Suaqui.  .33,  41. 
Supai,  220. 
Superstition,  38. 
Sutaquison,  48,  49,  83,  91,  98. 
Sweathouse,  219. 
System,  mission,  37,  196. 
System,  new,  132-140. 
Tacca,  91. 

Tallicuamais,  100,  101. 
Tampico,  160. 
Tarragona,  178. 
Techungui,  Fr.,    205. 
Tecora,  25,   32. 
Tecoripa,  33,  41,  42-44. 
Tehua,  see   Yavipais. 
Tempe,  203,  204. 
Temporalities,  34-37. 
Teopari,  ,32. 
Tepic,  20,  31,  66,  155. 
Terrenate,  25,  73,  183. 
Texas,  62,  67,  68,  133.  179,  182. 
Theodor,  Verv  Rev.,  Fr.  203. 
Tiburon,  63,  65. 
Tiguas,  205. 

Timmermanns,  Rev.  201. 
Tiuajas,  98,  104. 
Tison,  Rio,  22. 
Tabas,  Fr.  183. 
Toledo,  Fr.  206. 
Tomson,  17. 
Tonibavi,  68. 
Tonichi,  '33. 
Topiza,  3. 
Torre,  Fr.  206. 
Totonteac,  8,  10,  11. 
Tours    of  Fr.    Garc^s,   46,    82-85, 

90-98:  99-109,  110-119. 
Transfer  of  missions,  07,  71,  89. 
Trinidad,  79,  83,  110. 


—  -inc^ 


Tribes,  Indian,  229. 

Tiuxillo,  Fr.  24,  175. 

Ttaeca,  98. 

Tuape.  33. 

Tuaspa,  42. 

Tubac,  34,  66,  72.  73,  77,  78, 

84,  89,  90,  98,  157,  183-187. 
Tubasa.  48. 
Tubutama,    28,    .34,    75.    87, 

122,  123,  146,  148,  169,  180- 

182,  186. 
Tnbuseabors,  98. 
Tucson,  9,  26,  29,  35.  72,  84, 

91,  98,    123,    145,    185-187, 

190,  201,  220. 
Tucubaya,  170. 
Tueros.    Don    127,    129,  145, 

149-151,  214. 
Tulare  Valley,  109. 
Tumacilcori,   26,   27,    34,    66, 

73,  123,  184,  185,  189. 
Tusayan,  8. 
Tutuetac,  98. 
Tvatunitucan,  98. 
Ubeda  Bro.,  20. 
Ures,  .33,  41,  45,  62,  66,    68, 

175. 
Upasoitac,  83,  84. 
Utah,  208,  211. 
Utah  Lake,  206. 
Uturituc,  91,  98. 
Vacapa,  4,  5,  7.  9. 
Valencia,  123,  182. 
Valverde,  Fr.  205. 
Vandermaesen,  Rev.  201. 
Vega,  Fr.  171. 
Velarde,  Fr.  186. 
Velasco,  21. 
Verde,  Rio,  22. 
Venadito,  198. 
Victoria,  Fr.  20. 
Vicar  Apostolic,  201,  204. 
Vidal,  90. 

Vision  on  the  Colorado,  148. 
Visitador  Galvez,  see  Galvez, 
Visitations,  87,  170. 
Vocabulary,  Yuma,  153. 
Vocabulary,  Navajo,  210. 


83, 

120. 
182, 


89, 
189, 


147, 


r2, 


172, 


Volpi,  24. 

Washington,  D.  C,  209. 

Watsonville,   Cal.,    203. 

Weber,  Fr.  209. 

Westhoflf,  Fr.  202,  204. 

Whipple,  4,  8,  9, 

White  Mountain,  220. 

White  River,  110. 

Wickenburg,  203. 

Wiewer.  Bro.,  201. 

Wingate,  Fort,  209. 

Winsor's  History,  16. 

Wisconsin,  153. 

Xaguionar,  89. 

Xaliscans,  172,  173. 

Xalisco,  province  of,  31-33,  89, 
173,  175. 

Xalisco,  Cronica  de,  20. 

Xongopabi.  23. 

Yamajab,  103,  104. 

Yaqui    Rio,  3,  12,  25. 

Yava  Supais,  220. 

Yavipais,  84,  109,  111-117,  119. 

Yecora,  see  Tecora. 

Yumas,  27,  48-54,  56,  59-61,  79, 
81,  94,  95,  97,  98,  100,  101,  103, 
104,  106,  109,  117,  118,  124,  125, 
127-1.30,  132.  137-140,  143-146, 
148-150,  152,  153,  156,  157,  165, 
185,  212,  213,  220,  221. 

Yuma  Baptism,  153. 

Yuma  City,  79,  80,  152,  201,  216. 

Yuma  funeral,  153,  see  crema- 
tion. 

Yuma  heaven,  94. 

Yuma,  Fort,  see  Fort  Yuma. 

Yutas,  119,  207. 

Yxquisitas,   66. 

Zacatecas,  62,  67,  178,  182. 

Zacatal,  Duro,  98. 

Zaragoza,  66. 

Zaraichi,   32, 

Zeller,  Bro.,  203. 

Zephyrin,  Fr.  152,  200,  216. 

Zuni,  7-13,  16,  19,  21-23,  25,  113, 
114,  119. 

Zuniga,  Fr.  31,  183. 

Zunigas,  60. 


Oorricenda. 


(Ill  some  copies.) 
Preface  iiafje  ll,  laborers  for  labors. 
Page  1,     line  6,  the  for  te. 

2,        „    19,  from  bottom  read— cross  for  crossed. 

(),        ,,1        ,.  ,.  read— decided  for  docided. 

10,  note,  read— It  for  If. 

22.  line  13,  read- Bill  for  Bi»r. 

22.      ,,    11,  Conversion  of  St.  Paul. 

2>«,  read— Bill  for  Bip  Williams. 

42,  first  line  omit — in. 

42    line  10  read— recommended  for  recomended, 

60,  first  line  read — of  for  fo. 

HC.  read — known  for  know,  in  tliinl  line  of  note. 

(j6,  read — having,  in  last  line. 

67,  read — Puebla  for  Pueblo. 

73,  read — north  of  Guevavi  for  south. 

78,  read — Sebastian  for  Sabastiau. 

80,  read— passed  a  lacuna,  in  the  last  line. 

94,  line  8,  of  note  read — detestable  for  detestible. 

107,  read- Cuabajais  for  Cubabajais. 

118,  read — .\Kuaffe  for  atrnage,  in  the  note. 

119,  read — Pozo  for  Poza.  in  the   note. 
144,  omit— pre,  in  last  line. 

l.Vi,  line  14,  read — dilapidated  for  delapidated. 
1.59.  read  Barreneche  for  Barraneche. 
174,  read — waive  for  wave,  in  last  line. 
182,  read— field  for  field,  in  the  note. 
hS«,  read-  fitrlit  for  flfrht. 


i-a..,>,.i..ii     w.H-ii.' 


OREGON 


"Xr/ 


fMi-^—-     ™^    OLD  — 

FRANCISCAN 
MISSIONS 


IN 


-^Ai^  CALIFORNIA. 


I     I         ,Vi   SAn(fRANCISCO  SOLANO  ^ 

^  '      t        yM  \ 


^"^ii     STTk  r;fIael         — 


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OE    °A    LA  ).  X^^  -J-^— ^^       f/      -.'If. 

■pM     SAN  MluUEL  ^        '■'■  ' 


A  New  Historical  Wokk  Which  Should  Find  A  Place  In 

EvKRY  Library.  Prick,  Bound  In  Cloth,  5:j2  Pages: 

•lil..')')  Net.  Free  Hy  Mail,  .$1.70.  Paper  Covers, 

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THE 
FRANCISCANS  IN  CALIFORNIA 


BY' 


Fr.  Zephyvin  Evigelhardt,  0.  F.  M., 

Author  of  "■The   Fyauciscans  in   Art'zoua,^'' 

WITH    A   MAP   AND    NUMEROUS    ILLUSTRATIONS. 

CUM   PERMISSU  SUPERIORUM. 

Printed  And  Published  At  The 

HOLY  CHILDHOOD  INDIAN  SCHOOL. 

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(Sold  For  The  Benefit  Of  The  Indian  School.) 


HOME  KIND  >YORI3S 

From  the  Most  Rev.   Archbishop  of  Philadelphia. 

Philadelphia,  Dec.  5,  1897. 
Rev.  and  Dear  Father, 

Please  accept  my  thanks  for  the  copy 
of  your  work  "The  Franciscans  in  California"  which  you  have 
been  kind  enough  to  send  to  me. 

I  have  had  time  to  only  "dip  into"  it,  but  from   what   I   have 
read,  I  believe  it  to  be  an  excellent  and  opportune  contribution 
to  the  ecclesiastical  historical  literature  of  the  country. 
Yours  faithfully  in  Dno. 

^  P.  J.  Ryan,  Archb. 


From   the  Rt .   Rev.   Henry   Joseph   Riehter,   D.   D., 
Bishop  of  Grand  Rapids,  Michigan. 

Grand  Rapids,  Mich.,  Nov.  7,  1897. 
Rev.  Dear  Father: 

Please  accept  my  thanks  for  yovir  book 
entitled:  "The  Franciscans  In  California."  I  have  not  had  time 
to  read  the  book  through;  but  what  I  read  1  found  very  inter- 
esting. I  wonder  how  amid  your  many  labors  you  could  find 
leisure  for  the  research  which  the  composition  of  your  valuable 
contribution  to  history  required.  I  think  the  German  proverb: 
"Lust  und  Liebe  zum  Dinge,  macht  alle  Muehe  und  Arbeit  ger- 
inge,"  is  applicable  here.  It  certainly  was  a  labor  of  love  to  a 
son  of  St.  Francis  to  describe  the  trials,  labors  and  achievements 
of  his  brethren,  especially  to  one  engaged  in  a  similar  work. 
I  am  Rev.  Father, 

Sincerely  yours  in  Xto, 
3<  Henry  Joseph, 

Bp.  of  Gd.  Rapids. 
-        -  •      — 
Front   the  Rt.   Rev.    Gcori;e  Montgomery,   D.  D.,   Bishop  of 
Monterey  and  Los  Angeles,    California. 

Los  Angeles,  Cal.,  Oct.  27,  1897. 
Rev.   and  Dear  Father: 

I  beg  leave  to  acknowledge  the  re- 
ceipt of  a  copy  of  "The  Franciscans  In  California.''  and  to  thank 
you  for  the  noble  work  that  you  have  done  in  gathering  togeth- 
er the  scattered  fragments  of  history  of  those  missions,  which  e- 
ven  yet  are  the  glory  of  California. 

There  is  one  thing  that  I  regret  is  absent  in  the  work,  except 
a  mention  of  it  from  time  to  time,  namely  an  accurate  account 
of  the  secularization  of  the  missions.  If  you  would  ever  brinj-: 
out  a  second  edition  I  would  suggest  that  you  add,  as  a  kind  of 
appendix,  a  history  of  that  secularization  and  a  vindication  of 
the  missionaries. 

There  are  the  most  erroneous  ideas  abroad  concerning  the  mat 
ter,  and  scribblers  in  all  kinds  of  publications  sometimes  take  up- 
on   themselves    to   give   out    a    so-called    history   of    those    things 
which  is  only  perpetuating  falsehood.  With  such  an  appendix  the 
book  would  ba  invaluable. 

There  is  manifested  at  present  a  disposition  to  appreciate  more 
fully  and  fairly  the  worK  and  worth  of  the  Franciscan  missionar- 
ies in  C'alifornia.  As  yovi  may  know  we  have  here  in  Southern 
C  'lifornia  a  "Landmark  Club,"  whose  purpose  is  to  preserve  the 
historic  monuments  of  the  State:  and  it  is  a  significant  fact  that 
the  first  work  done  by  them  is  to  preserve,  at  least  in  their  pres- 
ent state,  the  old  missiims  of  San  Juan  Capistrano  and  San  Fer- 
nando. They  have  si)ent  several  thousand  dollars  on  these  mis- 
sions with  that  view.  The  Ciub  is  headed  by  a  most  enthusiastic 
and  able  non-Catholic  literary  man,  Mr.  Chas.  Lummis,  and 
the  Club  is  entirely  non-Catholic,  so  far  as  support  is  con- 
cerned. 

Besid^^s  there  is  a  growing  admiration  for  the  mission  architec- 
ture here.  All  over  this  part  of  California  we  see  it  repi-esented 
in  buildings  of  almost  every  character. 

.\s  a  chronicle  of  facts  your  book  is  invalual:)le,  and  [  hope 
that  you  may  be  asked  s  )metime  to  bring  out  a  second  edition 
to  wliH'h  you"can  niiike  the  appendix  I  suggest. 


You  desorvo  much  credit  for  printing  and  j)uijlKshiug  it  a  I 
your  Indian  school.  I  send  you  a  few  dollars.  I  wish  it  were  in 
my  jiower  tn  send  moic.  hnt  you  know  we  have  here  many  poor 
Indian  missions. 

Yours  very  truly, 

^  Geo.   Montgomery, 
BiNlioj)  of  Monterey  and  Los  Angeles. 


F I  0)11   tlir   lit.    J?e-\    Thomas   Grace.,  JJ.  D., 
Bi.shop  of   Sacramento,    California. 

Sacramento,  Cal.,  Nov.  9th,  1897. 
Rev.  Dear  Fr.  Engelhardt. 

I  return  my  most  sincere  thanks 
for  your  valuable  and  timely  work  '"The  Franciscans  In  Califor- 
nia." For  us  who  live  here  the  book  is  a  treasure,  and  for  all 
who  are  interested  in  th^  missionary  enteri)ri.se  of  the  Church  it 
is  most  valuable  and  entertaining. 

Sincerely  and  thankfully, 
Yours  in  Our  Lord, 

Thomas  Grace. 


From   the    I'erv  Rev.  Raphael  Hesse,   O.   F.   M. 
Provincial  of  the  Province  of   St.   John  the  Baptist. 

Cincinnati,  O.,  Dec.  2,  1897: 
Rev.  Conf.: 

I  hereVjy  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  a  copy  of 
your  book  entitled:  "The  Franciscans  in  California."  Please  ac- 
cept my  thanks  and  congratulations.  May  the  trials  and  labors 
of  ovir  brethren  inspire  us  to  work  for  the  greater  honor  and 
glory  of  God. 

Yours  in  Christ, 

Fr.  Raphael  Hesse,  O.  F.  M., 
Min.  Prov. 

From   the    ]'cry  Rev.   Kilian   Schloesser,    O.   F.   M.,   the  Superior 
of  the   Franciscans  on   the   Pacific    Coast. 

Santa  Barbara,  Cal.,  Nov.  18,  1897. 
My  dear  Fr.  Zephyrin, 

The  volume  which  you  have  com- 
pleted amid  so  many  labors  and  unfavorable  circvimstances  has 
reached  me.  Well,  now  you  have  reason  to  be  proud  of  your 
work,  for  the  book  will  surely  meet  with  great  satisfaction. 

Though  I  have  read  only  a  small  part,  I  must  admit   that   the 
work  pleases  me  exceedingly,  above  all  in  its  arrangement. 
I  am  with  the  same  old  affection,  in  the  Most  Sacred  Heart, 
Yours, 
Fr.  Kilian. 


From  the    Very   Rev.    Custos  Fr.   Maximilian   Schaefcr,    O.    F.   M., 
Editor   German    ''Afessetiirer  of  the  Sacred  Heart. '^ 

Cincinnati,  O.,  Dec.  7,  1897. 
Dear  Father  Zejjhyrin, 

Your  excellent  historical  work  has 
surprised  me  indeed.  It  offers  the  best  proof  of  tireless  zeal.  The 
work  will  surely  receive  approval  from  every  direction,  because  it 
is  compiled,  throughout,  from  documents  and  reliable  sources.  It 
will  therefore  serve  the  historian  of  the  old  missions  as   a   fount- 


ain    where   he    can  obtain  reliable  information.  Please   accept  my 
best  thanks  for  sending  the  book. 

With  much  resjject 
Your   confrere, 

Fr.  Maximilian,  O.  F.  M. 

From   the  author    of  '■^Mission   Santa  Barbara.'''' 

Mission  San  Luis  Rey,  Cal.,  Nov.  10,  1897. 
Rev.  dear  Confrater: 

Through  your  kindness  I  received  a  few 
days  ago  a  cojjy  of  your  work  entitled  "The  Franciscans  In  Cali- 
fornia," for  which  I  retvirn  you  my  sincere  thanks.  I  have  had 
but  little  time  so  far  to  look  over  it,  as  I  intend,  carefully,  but 
from  what  I  have  noticed  hurriedly,  I  can  say  you  have  done 
very  well.  You  certainly  deserve  a  great  amount  of  credit  for  the 
pains  you  have  taken.  I  hope  you  may  be  able  to  dispose  of  ver- 
y  many  copies.  The  jjrice  is  certainly  very  low.  No  publishing 
house  in  the  country  could  publish  it  at  that  price.  Send  me  an- 
other copy,  and  I  will  remit  a  money  order  for  the  amount. 
Wishing  you  all  success,  1  am  as  ever  in  SS.  Corde, 
Your  Confrater, 

Jos.  J.  O'Keefe,    O.  F.  M. 

From   the  editor  of   '"'St.   Anthony' s   Me*!sens;er.^'' 

Cincinnati,  O.,  Nov.  16,  1897. 
Rev.  and  dear  Confrere, 

Today  I  received  your  long  looked 
for  work  "The  Franciscans  In  California."  Let  me  congratulate 
yovi  most  sincerely  on  the  grand  work  you  have  brought  out  in 
such  splendid  style.  I  know  well  enough  the  arduous  labor  spent 
in  the  compilation  of  such  a  work,  and  therefore  appreciate  it  all 
the  more.  Wishing  you  God's  blessing, 

J  remain  vour  old  friend, 

Fr  PhiUp,  O.  F.   M. 

From  the  Secretary  of  the   Historical   Society,  Philadelphia. 

Author  of  the  '■'■Cyclopcvdia  Bibliographic  a 

of  the  Bishops  of  the    United   States.'' 

Philadelphia,  Pa.,  Nov.  16,  1897. 
Dear  Fr.  Zephyrin, 

Your  work  is  the  best  I  have  seen  for 
detail  and  particular  history.  It  gives  just  what  is  wanted — Rec- 
ord— without  a  great  lot  of  multiplied  words  just  to  fill  up. 
There  is  too  much  imagination  put  into  our  histories  of  all  kind, 
little  or  none  of  proof  and  copy  of  records. 
Sincerely  yours 

Francis  X.  Reiiss. 


"What  impressed  me  greatly  was  the  amount  of  researches 
you  have  made  and  the  many  interesting  details  which  the  book 
contains."  Mesquat  Mission,   B.    C,   A.   ^,   Brabant,   S.  y. 

I  thank  you  from  my  heart  that  you  have  send  me  your  great 
book  "The  Franciscans  in  California."  The  work  pleases  me  ex- 
ceedingly. Fr.  Bonaveitture,  O.  F.  M.,  Butler,  New  Jersey. 

I  have  read  but  a  few  chapters  of  "The  Franciscans  in  Cali- 
fornia" with  as  much  interest  as  I  would  a  novel.  The  relation 
of  true  facts  written  by  a  venerable  and  experienced  missionary 
renders  the  book  invaluable. /os^/)/'  A.  Drolet,  S.J.,  Garden  River,  Out. 


"The  book  'Franciscans  in  California"  unravels  many  obscure 
historical  points  in  regard  to  the  Golden  State  in  the  past.  It 
ouKht  to  be  perused  by  every  lover  of  history." 

H.    IVi'bcr,  C.  55.  R.,  New  Orleans,    La. 

It  appears  to  be  a  splendid  and  very  practical  work  which  re- 
flects much  credit  upon  you.  To-morrow  we  shall  begin  to  use  it 
as  English  table  lecture.  Fr.  Polj'carp,  O.  F.  A/.,   Teiitopolis,  III. 

We  shall  read  your  beautiful  and  interesting  work   at  table  in 
the  refectory.    Sister  M.   Teresa,  Abbess,  Poor  Clares,  Cleveland,  Ohio. 
We  have  received  your  valuable  book  and   are   now    reading    it 
in  the  refectory.  Sister  l^eronica,  Abbess,  Poor  Clares,  Chicago. 

"I  am  glad  you  found  my  labors  in  the  same  field  of  so  much 
service  to  you,  and  that  you  were  fair  enough  to  give  me  due 
credit.  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft.'" 

We  heartily  welcome  this  history  of  "The  Franciscans  in  Cal- 
ifornia." By  mentioning  the  original  sources  on  almost  every 
page,  the  author  proves  that  he  has  not  composed  a  book  by 
merely  copying  from  books,  but  that  he  has  labored  independ- 
ently. '•'California    Volksfrcund.'''' 

From  the  "AMERICA,"  German  Daily,  St.  Louis,  Mo. 
In  this  excellent   work    the    Rev.    author   not   only   relates   the 
first  attempts  of  the  Spaniards  to  colonize  California,  but  he  al- 
so gives  a  minute  history  of  all  the  missions  that  partly,    though 

in  ruins,  exist  to  this  day The  volume  is   compiled   from   o- 

riginal  sources  and  may   be   regarded   as   an    important   contribu- 
tion to  the  history  of  American  civilization. 

From  the  MICHIGAN  CATHOLIC. 
One  of  the  most  valuable  books  which  has  ever  reached  us  is, 
"The  Franciscans  in  California,"  by  Father  Zephyrin  Engel- 
hardt,  O.  F.  M.  The  book  is  printed  and  published  at  the  Holy 
Childhood  Indian  School,  Harbor  Springs,  Mich.  The  proceeds 
of  the  sale  of  this  book  will  be  given  for  the  benifit  of  the  In- 
dian School.  This  in  itself  should  insure  the  book  a  wide  circu- 
lation. The  voluma  is  an  excellent  contribution  to  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal literature  of  America. 

From  the  NEW  WORLD,  Chicago,  III. 
To  the  scant  list  of  monographs  that  we  possess  on  the  history 
of  the  missions  in  the  early  days  in  this  country  and  on  the 
lives  of  the  zealous  men  that  labored  among  the  Indians  and 
settlers  in  various  parts  of  the  United  States,  a  friar  minor  of 
the  Seraphic  Order  has  added  a  valuable  contribution. 

Imbued  with  an  ardent  veneration  for  those  among  the  sons 
of  the  great  saint  of  Asissi  who  followed  Fr.  Junipero  Serra 
into  California,  and  with  no  mean  talent  for  writing  a  historical 
narrative,  the  author,  Fr.  Zephyrin  Engelhardt,  has  followed  m 
the  footsteps  of  that  legion  of  men  in  habit  and  cowl  to  whom, 
as  writers  of  annals  and  chronicles,  we  are  indebted  for  much  of 
the  knowledge  we  possess  of  by-gone  days.  Although  this  book 
does  not  purport  to  be  a  panegyric  on  the  virtues  and  fortitude 
of  the  brave  friars,  many  of  whom  left  the  sheltering  abodes  of 
learning  and  their  native  country  to  carry  the  blessings  of  the 
faith  into  that  then  remote  part  of  the  world,  one  cannot  read 
the  records  of  these  missionaries  without  exulting  over  the  un- 
selfish heroism  displayed  by  the  Franciscans  in  California,  and 
the  success  obtained  by  them  in  dealing  with  the  problem  of 
Christianizing  and  civilizing  the  Indian 


Of  so  many  shattered  hojjes,  of  so  mauy  niissions  destroyed 
and  in  ruins  do  these  pages  tell  that  we  would  lay  this  book 
sadly  down,  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  the  old  Spanish  friars, 
driven  from  their  tloeks  and  cloisters  by  revolutions  and  the  ig- 
norant and  malicious  officials  of  the  Mexican  Republic,  have 
been  followed  by  a  new  generation  of  priests  and  brothers  of  the 
same  Order 

The  pictures  of  the  mission  churches  that  adorn  the  pages  of 
this  book,  tell  us  how  successsful  the  followers  of  the  great  Um- 
brian  saint  have  been  in  tutoring  the  American  Indian;  and,  in- 
deed, the  book  itself  stands  proof  of  this,  having  been  set  in  type 
and  printed  by  Indian  Vjoys  at  the  Holy  Childhood  Indian 
School,  Harbor  Springs,  Michigan,  under  the  supervision  of  the 
author.  And  thus  we  possess  a  history  treating  of  Indian  mis- 
sions and  missionaries,  written    by    a    missionary  among   Indians, 

and  printed  at  an  Indian  school 

Walter  Lecky  in   flic  CATHOLIC   NEWS,    Ncxv    I'ork. 

The  "Franciscans  in  California,"  Vjy  Father  Zephyrin  Engel- 
hardt,  O.  F.  M.,  is  a  volume  that  was  sure  of  a  welcome  in  my 
den.  There  is  a  glamor  about  these  old  missions  that  is  positively 
fascinating.  There  are  no  ruins  on  this  continent  whose  history 
is  so  inviting  as  the  old  missions  of  California.  I  have  often 
envied  their  lover,  Mr.  Lummis,  his  nearness  to  them.  This  book 
is  printed  and  published  at  the  Indian  School,  Harbor  Springs, 
Michigan 

The  author  (in  his  preface)  is  unduly  modest.  His  book,  des- 
jjite  the  drawbacks  he  mentions,  is  full  of  interest,  and  is  writ- 
ten with  no  little  historical  grasp  and  spirit.  It  was  a  work  of 
love,  and  Fr.  Engelhardt  has  but  followed  his  brethren  of  the 
cowl  in  preserving  from  the  past  the  records  of  the  valiant  men 
and  their  godly  work.  There  is  sorrow  in  the  pages  of  this  book, 
telling,  as  it  does,  the  hopes  and  ambitions  of  the  old  Spanish 
friars,  while  recalling  that  nothing  remains  save  the  romantic 
ruins  of  cloisters  and  churches.  No  book  of  late  years  should 
find  from  Catholics  a  warmer  welcome  than  Father  Engelhardt's. 
Not  only  is  it  valuable  to  the  historian,  but  its  pages  will  be 
eagerly  perused  by  all  those  who  love  to  read  a  tale  of  valor  and 
nobleness. 

From   "THE  TIDINGS,"  Los  Angeles,  Cal. 

Much  of  the  statistical  matter  pertaining  to  the  missions,  des- 
cribed herein,  (New  Year's  souvenir  number),  is  adapted  from- 
Father  Zephyrin  Engelhardt's  "The  Franciscans  in  California," 
a  concise  but  complete  compilation  of  the  history  of  the  Califor- 
nia missions.  This  book,  the  latest  and  perhaps  most  valuable  of 
the  many  works  on  this  exhaustless  theme,  has  but  recently 
been  published,  and  is  from  the  Holy  Childhood  Indian  School, 
Harbor  Springs,  Michigan. 

From  the  "CHURCH  NEWS"    Wos/ihigfon,  D.   C. 

This  is  a  very  interesting  and  valuable  book,  especially  to 
those  interested  in  the  early  history  of  the  Church  in  the  West. 
It  contains  information  taken  from  the  original  reports  of  the 
missionaries,  including  the  statistics  of  the  missions.  Considering 
the  fact  that  so  mucla  that  is  false  has  been  written  regarding 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  California,  we  must  appre- 
ciate a  reliable  publication  treating  of  the  work  of  the  Seraphic 
Pioneers.  As  stated  in  the  preface,  "Ignorance  and  malice, 
through  exaggeration  and  misstatement,  have  succeeded  in  mak- 
ing the  old  Fathers  appear  in   so  strange  a  light  that  even  their 


I'lJeudri  fail  to  rccoguizt'  llieiu.""  TLeie  is  scjuielliiug  uniquf  a- 
bout  the  volume,  it  having  been  written  and  published  at  an  In- 
dian mission  school. 

From  the  "HEROLD  DES  GLAUBENS,"  St.' Louis. 

Fr.  Zephyrin,  formerly  in  California,  but  now  missionary  amonsf 
the  Indians  of  Michigan,  has  studied  the  .sad  history  of  his 
brethern  for    many  years.    In    this    volume  he    unfolds  in    simple 

language  a  most  touching  picture The   beautiful  book  is 

heartily  recommended  to  all  friends  of  Church  history. 
From  the  "INDEPENDENT   DEMOCRAT."    Petoskey,   Mich., 
J  Ion.    C.   S.   1 1  Clin  ft  on,  Editor. 

A  valuable  book  of  historical  reference  has  just  been  added  to 
the  editor's  library.  It  is  entitled  "The  Franciscans  in  Californ- 
ia," and  is  a  history  of  the  explorations  and  missionary  work  of 
the  devoted  Catholic  Fathers  on  the  Pacific  coast  from  the  ear- 
liest times,  together  with  an  interesting  summary  of  the  fruit  of 
the  seed  planted  in  stubborn  soil,  but  watered  by  the  blood  of 
martyrdom.  The  work  is  from  the  pen  of  Rev.  Father  Zephyrin 
Engelhardt,  O.  F.  M.,  who  has  charge  of  the  Holy  Childhood 
Indian  School  at  Harbor  Springs.  The  author  disclaims  all  at- 
tempt at  literary  embellishment,  his  object  being  to  preserve  for 
future  ages  a  correct  and  comprehensive  history  of  labors  of  ear- 
ly missionaries,  and  particularly  those  of  his  own  order.  At  the 
same  time  the  events  related  are  so  interesting  in  themselves, 
and  are  told  with  such  strict  adherence  to  the  mass  of  manu- 
script records  through  which  the  author  was  obliged  to  wade  in 
order  to  secure  facts,  that  the  book  is  interesting  to  every  read- 
er, and  must  be  intensely  so  to  Catholics.  The  most  surprising 
and  gratifying  thing  about  the  book,  however,  is  that  it  is  a 
home  product,  printed  by  Indians  educated  and  trained  at  the 
Harbor  Springs  mission.  That  a  book  of  this  character,  of  over 
five  hnudred  pages,  with  a  large  number  of  illustrations,  can  be 
printed  in  the  Indian  school  printing  office  in  a  manner  which 
would  do  credit  to  the  average  city  book  printing  establishment, 
is  the  best  possible  testimonial  of  the  practical  benefit  of  this 
noble  charity,  of  which  the  Independent  Democrat  has  fre- 
qviently  had  occasion  to  sjieak. 

From   the  CATHOLIC    UNIVERSE,    Cleveland,    O. 

Father  Zephyrin,  O.  F.  M.,  formerly  of  the  Franciscan  con- 
vent, this  city,  who  has  charge  of  the  Indian  mission  school  at 
Harbor  Springs,  Michigan,  has  written  a  history  of  the  Francis- 
cans in  California.  It  is  an  intensely  interesting  and  attractive 
work  apart  altogether  from  the  literary  freshness  and  sincerity 
which  characterizes  it,  because  the  subject  of  the  early  missions 
on  the  Pacific  coast  is  one  that  is  full  of  historical  and  relio-ious 
interest  to  Catholics.  Many  friends  of  Father  Zephyrin  in'' this 
city  will  be  glad  of  an  opportunity  to  assist  him  in  the  arduous 
task  to  which  he  is  assigned,  especially  when  the  doing  so  adds 
to  their  literary  possessions  a  volume  of  rare  interest  enhanced 
by  the  peculiar  sense  of  personal  satisfaction  arising  from  their 
friendship  with  the  author. 

From  the  CHURCH   PROGRESS,   St.   Louis,  Mo. 

It  is  a  rare  pleasure  to  read  a  history  of  the  wonderful  Fran- 
ciscan missions  of  California  written  by  a''  member  of  the  Sera- 
phic Order  and  printed  by  the  Indians  of  a  flourishing  mission 
of  our  own  day. 


The  first  part  of  the  book  is  devoted  to  the  general  mission 
history  of  California,  the  twenty-third  and  last  chapter  describ- 
ing the  methods  pursued  in  conducting  the  missions  prior  to 
their  "secularization"  by  the  Mexican  government. 

The  second  part,  in  tvt^enty-six  chapters,  gives  the  local  history 
of  each  of  the  twenty-one  missions:  San  Diego.  San  Carlos,  San 
Antonio,  San  Gabriel,  San  Luis  Obispo,  San  Francisco,  San  Ju- 
an Capistrano,  Santa  Clara,  San  Buenaventuj-e,  Santa  Barbara, 
La  Purisima  Concepcion,  Santa  Cruz,  La  Soledad,  San  Jose,  San 
Juan  Bautista,  San  Miguel,  San  Fernando,  San  Luis  Rey,  Santa 
Inez,  San  Rafael,  San  Francisco  Solano. 

The  third  part  gives  the  history  of  their  nine  houses  included 
in  the  Pacific  Commissariat  of  the  American  Friars  Minor  at 
the  present  day:  Santa  Barbara,  Piijaro,  St.  Turibius,  St.  Elisa- 
beth's at  Fruitvale,  St.  Joseph's  at  Los  Angeles,  St.  Francis'  at 
Sacramento,  St.  Mary's  at  Phoenix,  Arizona,  and  St.  Boniface's 
and  St.  Anthony's  at  San  Francisco. 

A  reading  of  Father  Zephyrinus  Engelhardt's  narrative  cannot 
fail  to  impress  the  mind  with  the  terrible  evils  associated  with 
that  subjection  of  the  church  to  the  State  that  exists  in  Spain 
and  the  Spanish-speaking  countries.  From  the  very  beginning 
the  friars  engaged  in  the  Pacific  coast  apostolate  suffered  from 
the  interference  of  godless  Spanish  civil  officers,  and  in  the  end 
the  Spanish  government  robbed  the  mission  Indians  of  no  less 
than  half  a  million  dollars.  The  pious  Fund  of  California,  a- 
mounting  to  about  81,300,000  all  contributed  by  private  persons 
for  the  support  of  the  missions  in  perpetuity,  with  the  exception 
of  about  S18,000  contributed  by  the  government,  was  seized  by 
Spain  in  1768,  and  administered,  or  rather  mal-administered,  by 
her  civil  officers  and  those  of  Mexico,  until  finally  confiscated  by 
the  infamous  tool  of  the  lodges,  Santa  Anna,  in  1842. 

From  the  WAHREITSFREUND.    Ciiichuiati,    O. 

An  extraordinarily  interesting  work.  "The  Franciscans  in  Cali- 
fornia," has  reached  us.  The  rich  and  important  contents  of  this 
exquisite  literary  work  makes  it  entertaining  as  well  as  instruc- 
tive reading.  The  world-despising  and  world-conquering  Christian 
faith,  as  it  was  preached  amid  the  gi-eatest  hardships  to  the  In- 
dians by  the  pious  sons  of  St.  Francis  in  the  southwest,  shines 
here  with  a  most  brilliant  light.  The  labors  and  expeditions  of 
the  Fathers  are  described  so  vividly  and  truthfully  that  we  act- 
ually imagine  ourselves  in  the  midst  of  the  hardships  of  those 
times 

In  our  days,  when  certain  individuals  seem  to  strain  every 
nerve  to  attack  and  slander  priests  of  religious  Orders,  it  is  high- 
ly important  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  world  to  the  exceed- 
ingly great  merits  of  the  monks  in  Christianizing  and  civilizing 
distant  countries,  not  the  least  of  which  is  America. 

The  writer  of  this  was  especially  touched  by  the  Rev.  author's 
presentation  of  the  early  history  of  San  Francisco  and  other  se- 
raphic settlements.  What  he  there  paints  to  our  mind  is  a  vivid 
picture  of  faithful  labor  in  the  vineyard  of  the  Lord.  In  spirit 
we  wander  amid  the  wonderful  surroundings  of  the  "Golden  Cit- 
y,"  to  the  venerable  groves  of  the  "Big  Trees,"  and  to  old,  pict- 
uresque Monterey  with  the  neighboring  resting-place  of  Califor- 
nia's famous  apostle,  the  poor,  humble  son  of  St.  Francis,  Fath- 
er Junfpero  Serra,  whose  name,  as  a  noble  Protestant  American 
writes,  will  not  perish,  and  whose  fame  will  not  suffer  want,  be 
his  grave  a  hundred  times  deeper,  and  the  real  spot  forgotten. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  AT  LOS  ANGELES 

THE  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

This  book  is  DUE  on  the  last  date  stamped  below 


APR  2*7  mg 


OEOs 


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fiElft^ff'lij;^!    1966 

APR  36  eeii 


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DEC  21  la-w 
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JUL  28 1986, 

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JUL  2  6  1983 


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